By Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi The apparent absence of debate, particularly among the Taukei, is attributed by commentators to ‘a culture of silence’. Open, vigorous public discourse is not yet a feature of Taukei or Fijian society at large. It has been explained in terms of a cultural milieu in which authority and communal structures coalesce to muffle expression. While media controls and self-censorship have not helped, it is the epistemology, ways of thinking, of the Taukei that invites closer scrutiny. ‘Silence’ does not necessarily mean consent. It is the lack of oral and written expression about issues passing for acquiescence. From the colonial era to the present, Taukei took refuge in silence until the political climate improved. Social media (Facebook, Twitter, blog sites etc.) represent a contemporary variation, allowing disaffected Taukei to express opinions anonymously. An assertive few, on opposing sides of the divide, eschew such inhibitions in that virtual world. Safe haven notwithstanding, it is outside the wider public domain. Sanctuary afforded by ‘silence’ comes at a price: uncontested interpretations of issues and events become historical truth and received wisdom. Reluctance persists among Taukei to ventilate issues of interest openly whether the traditional system, sustaining Taukei culture, the Taukei language, qoliqoli, the protection of land or the status of indigenous people post-December 2006. It is compounded by several factors. Blood and kinship ties remain significant. Personalities matter more than issues. Opinions are an extension of the person and difficult to separate. And the ubiquity of connections renders security in numbers of larger societies meaningless. Consequently, leaders take offence easily because there is no distance between them and their audience. The ‘personal’ element permeates and colours all relationships: traditional, political, economic, social and religious. Social interaction is complicated by the relative frequency with which people meet at weddings, funeral gatherings, other ‘oga’ (traditional/social obligations) and settings. The implications for free-flowing discourse are obvious: reluctance to disagree for fear of offending. Communal thinking is interwoven with this ‘connectedness’. The group is preeminent and the individual secondary. The latter is a component of the whole. His/her utility lies in the credibility and weight lent to the consensus. It is sometimes self-evident, but more often a combination of interventions from key persons or groups and circumstances. There is little leeway for the self-validation essential for the flow of ideas. Seniority determines one’s right of audience and “who can and cannot speak”. Empowerment constitutes work in progress particularly for women and youth. Advocating a public position necessitates taking a stand. It is not as simple as Nike’s ‘Just do it’ slogan. Consequences arise: it obliges others to react. This may be unsettling if they prefer not to be involved. Individuals or groups are identified with a position, limiting their room for manoeuvre with possible repercussions. In June 1977, as naïve law students, my good friend Graham Leung and I wrote to the Fiji Times criticising then Governor-General Ratu Sir George Cakobau’s decision not to invite Mr S. M. Koya to form government. The National Federation Party had won a plurality in the May election. My fleeting temerity was swiftly aborted by the opprobrium my politician mother endured. Dissembling is a valued cultural trait: maintenance of relationships and social cohesion is the highest good. Consensus is valued and dissent discouraged. Where it arises or is anticipated, the preceding discussion and ensuing outcome are framed in general terms. It allows those present to project a ‘consensus’, interpreting proceedings to their benefit. Individuals usually reserve judgment during this process to gauge the tide of debate. Throughout this exercise, details are glossed over and face is saved. Either way, it does not allow for closely argued exchanges characteristic of intellectuals and academia. There is also a sense that indigenous identity is a Taukei prerogative. While not a view I share, the assumption is only Taukei can appreciate the essence of indigeneity. Disinclination to participate in public fora is the result. Interestingly, the extent to which Taukei are committed to “a common and equal citizenry” of the present dispensation is intriguing. Ambivalence in acknowledging this country belongs to all Fijians continues. Fuelled by a perception that shared identity has been unmatched by reciprocal gestures, for example as in recognising the autochthonous and unique character of the Taukei language. A simple illustration: Taukei wince at references to the Taukei rather than Fijian language, bespeaking inferiority. Furthermore, use of the phrase “iTaukei” in English displays egregious unfamiliarity with the Taukei language itself (legislative fiat aside – The ‘i Taukei’ reference is mandated by Fijian Affairs (Amendment) Decree No 31 of 2010). ‘I’ partially serves as the article as in ‘Na i Taukei’ (the Taukei) or ‘Na i Vola Tabu’ (the Holy Bible). The phrase ‘the iTaukei’ in English (lit. ‘the the Taukei’) sounds repetitive, awkward and pretentious to Taukei ears, especially when uttered by non-Taukei. These minor irritants nevertheless demonstrate how the ‘culture’ curtails more honest dialogue. Taukei keep these feelings to themselves, stoking victimhood. Shared, it serves to heighten awareness and sensitivity among Fijians although that process may be confronting. Those observations about use of ‘i Taukei’ exemplify the spectacle of unchallenged perspectives morphing into accepted orthodoxy. Wadan Narsey has expressed concern about this trait in analysing possible causes for the ‘hibernation’ (Narsey’s description) of ‘Fijian’ (i.e. Taukei) intellectuals. The manner in which Taukei relate to authority bears on this discourse. The hierarchy of the traditional system, although modified, continues to apply between leaders and led today. Forthright, direct comment yields to endorsing the prevailing orthodoxy. It safeguards the position of followers in terms of anticipated largesse, guising their actual opinions. Taukei are accustomed to dealing with their rulers in this way as a means of self-preservation. The extensive protestations of support for the government, some of which is doubtless genuine, may be understood in that light. At the same time, some perspective is useful. While the culture has tended to reinforce the status quo by limiting challenges to authority, individuals capable of strong leadership have been able to buck the system to attract a following. Navosavakadua, Apolosi R Nawai, Ratu Emosi of Daku, Sairusi Nabogibogi and Ravuama Vunivalu formerly, Butadroka, Ratu Osea Gavidi, Bavadra, Rabuka, George Speight and Bainimarama more recently have lain claims to prominence. Their populist appeal and charisma, the promise of a better future and a pointed rebuke to the ‘establishment’ for supposed failings partly account for their success (though varied). Levelling of both the Taukei community and wider society, particularly since independence, reflects an irreversible trend: those from more representative backgrounds dominating leadership. That dynamic will have a liberalising effect over time. A vision of the future surfaced during debate in 2006 over the Qoliqoli Bill which sought to extend property rights to Taukei fishing rights. It was protracted, vigorous even fierce but open and peaceful. Such scenarios are attainable but an enabling environment is a prerequisite. The other relevant consideration is that informed and sustained debate requires familiarity with issues, intellectual inquiry and reflection. For Taukei, earning a living, raising a family, undertaking tertiary studies and involvement with ‘oga’ consume their time, energies and resources. It is one reason Taukei are often absent from activities such as service clubs. ‘Service’ as they conceive it is material and financial support provided to immediate and extended family; or bearing the educational and boarding expense of close kin in straitened situations. Taken with obligations to the vanua and the lotu, there is a cost: capacities for conceptualising and articulation thereof are appreciably diminished. Additionally, the phenomenon of reading not being popular among the Taukei and wider population is worrisome. It is more than a means for acquiring credentials. Exposure to ideas, development of rational thought and nurturing of imagination engendered by this process is critical. Reading moulds the shape, quality and frequency of debate. It stimulates the ability to formulate, synthesise and articulate ideas clearly and logically. | REBUKED: "In June 1977, as naïve law students, my good friend Graham Leung and I wrote to the Fiji Times criticising then Governor-General Ratu Sir George Cakobau’s decision not to invite Mr S. M. Koya to form government. The National Federation Party had won a plurality in the May election. My fleeting temerity was swiftly aborted by the opprobrium my politician mother endured." - Madraiwiwi
"Taukei wince at references to the Taukei rather than Fijian language, bespeaking inferiority. Furthermore, use of the phrase “iTaukei” in English displays egregious unfamiliarity with the Taukei language itself (legislative fiat aside – The ‘i Taukei’ reference is mandated by Fijian Affairs (Amendment) Decree No 31 of 2010). ‘I’ partially serves as the article as in ‘Na i Taukei’ (the Taukei) or ‘Na i Vola Tabu’ (the Holy Bible). The phrase ‘the iTaukei’ in English (lit. ‘the the Taukei’) sounds repetitive, awkward and pretentious to Taukei ears, especially when uttered by non-Taukei."
"The manner in which Taukei relate to authority bears on this discourse. The hierarchy of the traditional system, although modified, continues to apply between leaders and led today. Forthright, direct comment yields to endorsing the prevailing orthodoxy. It safeguards the position of followers in terms of anticipated largesse, guising their actual opinions. "
"Taukei are accustomed to dealing with their rulers as a means of self-preservation. The extensive protestations of support for the government, some of which is doubtless genuine, may be understood in that light."Despite that lack, the situation is changing gradually. Regulation is being eased accompanied by empowerment initiatives for women, youth, people with disabilities, rural populations and other marginalised groups. Rising standards of education and exposure especially in the form of foreign work experience, the present dispensation, the pervasive presence of the media, in addition to accessibility to information technology have all had an impact. The resulting paradox: a more permissive social environment facilitating increasingly diverse opinion. There remains a need to provide more open, honest debate within Taukei and wider Fijian society, so citizens are able to participate effectively in the issues of the day. It is critical for our development as a nation and as part of the global village. For this to happen, understanding this psyche of ‘silence’ makes possible remedial measures through socialisation, educational initiatives, empowerment, community and civil society support and other means. While ensuring the emerging landscape is focused and engaging rather than visceral; promoting balance with respect but not hostage to sectarian sensibilities. Journeying beyond a culture of silence to where meaningful dialogue and debate become commonplace. Source:http://republikamagazine.com/2014/03/beyond-a-culture-of-silence/ |
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Gender It is an international cliche that women are not just a half of the population but a half of all voters, and potentially the most powerful voting block in any election. Unfortunately for themselves, women rarely, if ever, vote as a block. But what do the political parties have to offer women in real practical terms, that will make a difference to their lives, and decide which party they vote for? We can start with these elections and formation of Cabinet, but there are far more important issues relating to jobs, incomes, household work and leisure. Women’s Representation in Parliament and Cabinet One of the interesting aspect of the Bainimarama Government is that despite being totally in control of all appointments and not answerable to voters, Bainimarama had only 1 woman in his Cabinet (perhaps there were no Cabinet positions left for women, after 2 individuals decided to hog 10 cabinet positions between them). While other elected governments may have been a bit better, none gave a fair go at having a good balance of women in their election line-ups or in their cabinets.What will be the gender balance of all the political parties in the forthcoming elections? Much will depend on whether the electoral system has a “Closed List” (in which case women can be properly represented at the top for each party) or an “Open List” in which case women will struggle as they always have. Issue 1 Voters can ask Commodore Bainamarama (and his Party when it eventually appears next month) why they rejected the Closed List system (if they do) that would have been extremely useful for women to be properly represented in Parliament Issue 2 Representation in Parliament and Cabinet: Voters must ask all political parties how they will ensure a fair balance of women (say more than 40%) (a) in their elections line-ups (b) in their Cabinet, should they form or be part of Government. Women in Employment and Incomes There are many studies of Fiji’s labour market that indicate that women are under-represented in both the private and public sectors at the higher levels, and, despite their equal qualifications and experience, are on lower salaries than men. For example, this study of mine not only has data on incomes and employment but also unpaid household work: http://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/31/final-report-on-the-2004-05-employment-and-unemployment-survey-fiji-islands-bureau-of-statistics-may-2007/ There is also another Report which has been long been finalized but yet to be approved by Planning Office for publication by the Fiji Bureau of Statistics (Fiji Women and Men at Work and Leisure, Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 2014). This report will not only have the latest data on employment (paid and unpaid) and incomes, but also interesting data on leisure activities such as sports, kava drinking, watching television and attending religious gatherings. These studies show that some improvement for women are taking place in employment and incomes, especially for younger more educated women, but the changes are happening extremely slowly. Issue 3 Gender equality in senior positions and incomes: Voters must ask the political parties what concrete measures they will take if they are part of the next government, (a) on gender equality in employment and incomes at the higher levels in the public service particularly, and board membership of government public enterprises. (b) on gender equality in training for professional and technical programs where females are grossly under-represented The killer household work. Few understand that the total amount of unpaid household work (in hours), is roughly equal to the total amount (in hours) of paid work in Fiji (as it is internationally). The two national studies (I have referred to above) have confirmed that there is gross gender imbalance in the unpaid household work (cooking, child care, clothes, cleaning, garden) done by working men and working women, and boys and girls. In Fiji, working women do some 15 hours per week more than working men, while girls do some 4 hours per week more than boys.There is very little improvement taking place in either gap.This imbalance in household work reduces the time available to women and girls for professional development and leisure activities, such as sports. Issue 4 Gender equality in unpaid household work Voters must ask the political parties what policies they will put in place to encourage greater gender equality between men and women, and boys and girls, in the unpaid household work that is done throughout Fiji. Leisure activities The most recent data coming out from FBS surveys will indicate that women have available some 5 to 7 hours less per week in leisure activities than men, and girls have some 4 hours per week less than boys. Males and females spend about the same time on religious gatherings and watching television. But men spend far too much time (between 5 to 7 hours more on average) on kava gatherings and drinking, which time is not available for doing their proper share of household work. Issue 5 To encourage a better sharing of household work, voters can ask political parties what will be their policies on encouraging men to reduce the time they spend at kava gatherings. Women’s organisations It has often been the case in Fiji’s history that women’s organizations have not only fought for specifically women’s issues and interests but also national issues and interests, which have required them, of necessity, to be critical of the government of the day. Often, the government of the day (several governments) have ostracized those critical women’s organizations and disregarded their inputs into national and international policy making, while recognizing and supporting only those women’s organizations that pander to them. In a truly democratic and free society, a responsible government would be inclusive of all organizations, and be principled and strong enough to accommodate robust debate and criticisms of governments and their policies. Issue 6 Voters can ask all political parties whether (a) they will follow principles of inclusivity towards women’s organizations (such as Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, Fiji Women’s Crisis Center, Femlink, Soqosoqo Vakmarama, etc) which may take principled stances which occasionally may disagree with government positions. (b) they will give priority to women’s issues as articulated by their organizations, such as the prevention of violence against women. Sports (including gender issues in sports) The data from the latest Fiji Bureau of Statistics surveys will show that women and girls devote much less time (3 to 5 hours less per week) to sports than do men and boys. This gap persists into middle ages and later, leading to poor health outcomes in females, and obesity in many. Much of the problems begin at the secondary school ages, where the sports facilities and school for female sports, is nowhere as strong as are available for males sports such as rugby and soccer. These disparities continue into the national competitions and higher levels, where sports sponsorship (from both government and the private sector) for male-associated sports is far in excess for female associated sports such as netball. Female sports often have to struggle to obtain funds to participate in international events, or even get local television coverage. Readers might look at this 2005 article:. https://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/28/gender-discrimination-in-sports-sponsorship-women-netballers-missing-the-gravy-train-the-fiji-times-29-may-2005/ Fiji’s exclusion from Super 15 rugby is also a sad opportunity gone missing not just for our rugby but also tourism. See here: https://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/22/colonialism-again-rugby-style-the-fiji-times-25-july-2004/ or here. https://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/22/the-rugby-hypocrisy-continues-the-fiji-times-17-march-2006/ Issue 7 Voters can ask all political parties what will be their policies on (a) Ensuring that there is equality of sports equipment, facilities and grounds, for girls as for boys throughout all the primary and secondary schools in Fiji. (b) Ensuring that financial resources (from both government and the private sector) and made available for sports sponsorship for female sports, matches that available for male-associated sports (c) Ensuring that all major sports (rugby, soccer, netball, athletics) receive adequate annual funding from government which forms an adequate base for them to build on. (d) Female sports receive as much coverage in the media as male sports. (e) Fighting through PACER Plus negotiations to get a Pacific rugby team (including Fiji, Samoa and Tonga) as part of the Super 15 competition. TO BE CONTINUED: Affirmative Action for Indigenous Fijians: in the business sector The Voice – “Walk The Talk” Campaign – “Sponsor a House, Sponsor a Village” (Help Building 100 thousand houses in Fiji) What THE VOICE, with over 31,000 members via Facebook, |
Most political parties are focusing on the importance of the “youth” vote in the 2014 Elections. So what are the facts about the youth defined as those aged 18 to 34? I give some indicative numbers using my own population projections from the 2007 Census data. How many voters? Ethnic shares of voters Table 1 indicates my estimate of the total number of voters in 2014: some 588 thousands (give or take a few thousand). Table 1 also indicates that while the Fijian share of total population is estimated to be 60% in 2014, their share of voters (aged 18 and over) is a slightly lower 56%. Conversely, the Indo-Fijian share of Total Population was 34% but of voters was 38%. This is a reflection of the much higher proportion of the Fijian population who are below the age of 18 because of the historically higher birth rate of Fijians for the last four decades. The “Youth” vote and the “Elderly” Vote The political focus on the “youth” vote is justified by the population projections. Table 3 indicates that 41% of the voters are aged between 18 and 34. What exactly are the political parties offering the youth, especially those who come out of school and do not obtain paid employment? What about the elderly? But note also that some 21% of the voters are over the age of 54. This is very large percentage of voters whose needs from Government are quite different from the main voting group. What exactly are the political parties offering to improve the welfare of the elderly? Ethnic perspectives on Youth and Elderly Table 3 gives an interesting ethnic dimensions of the different age groups. Of the youth voting group, indigenous Fijians comprised 61% while Indo-Fijians comprised 33%. | On the other hand, Indo-Fijians comprised 43% of the elderly, which is somewhat higher than their share of both the voters and the population. The next 10 Years: the declining Indo-Fijians. The Fiji public are now well aware of how fast the Indo-Fijian population share is dropping because of emigration and lower birth rates. Few are aware of how far the changes have occurred at the lower age levels, for instance, at the Class 1 age group (6 years of age) and will occur over the next ten years. By 2024, the Indo-Fijian share of voters will have declined to about 30%. These changes are also taking place but much faster, in school enrolments. Already people are aware that formerly Indo-Fijian dominated secondary schools (like Jay Narayan College in Suva) have become totally dominated by indigenous Fijians. This trend is far more powerful at the primary school levels. The share of Class 1 enrolment will have declined from the already low 26% in 2014, to a mere 18% in ten years time: ie Fijians will be 75% of all Class 1 enrolment in ten years time. All formerly Indo-Fijian dominated primary schools will become dominated by indigenous Fijian enrolment, or have to shut down. One important corollary of the above population projections is that over the next decade or so, Indo-Fijians will be requiring less and less of total public resources made available by Government for education, health, and other public goods. I have written about this previously in the Fiji Times, that while population growth is seen as a “time bomb” in most developing countries, in Fiji it is the opposite, as far as race relations are concerned (available here). https://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/28/fijis-population-is-not-a-time-bomb-the-fiji-times-27-sep-2002/ I had also argued with political parties a decade ago, that there was little point in basing poverty alleviation policies on race, as both major ethnic groups were equally poor, and poverty alleviation based on need alone, would fairly give the majority share to indigenous Fijians. https://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2012/03/17/poverty-and-affirmative-action-facts-not-prejudices-the-fiji-times-11-june-2007/ |
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