*Hiding behind IMMUNITY that Rabuka extracted at the point of the gun, we saw Indo-Fijian academics at USP abducted and beaten up; one even whacked for hours in a military cell for writing a negative review of the Coupist's book, No Other Way, in which he had justified his two racially motivated coups.
*He appointed a military lackey ISIKELI MATAITOGA as his DPP who later travelled to London to extradite the gun runner Mohammed Rafiq Kahan and other members of the Movement for Democracy in Fiji. *Mataitoga failed in his bid to extradite the put pro-democracy activists.
*Later, the same thug resurfaced as Coupist Bainimarama's ambassador to Japan and other countries, and lately we saw him back in Rabuka's Fiji, talking about settling up a Foreign Service Institute.
*One of the most high profile to surface from the USP in 1987 was the late Professor Asesela Ravuvu, who was appointed by Rabuka to chair the racist and autocratic 1990 Constitution of Fiji.
*Our Founding Editor-in-Chief and Ravuvu bitterly clashed at a highly charged conference organised by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London. Bascially, Ravuvu, parroting Rabuka, was claiming that Fiji was only for 'iTaukei Fijians'. All others were second class citizens.
*It was under the racist 1990 Constitution that Rabuka was elected, twice, as Prime Minister of Fiji. Now, he is back as Prime Minister, replacing another coupist Frank Bainimarama.
*We should not be surprised with Bainimarama being charged, along with former Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho.
*Rabuka started the militarisation of the Police Force force when he appointed Savua as Police Commissioner.
*Since 1987, Fiji has been run by Coupists, Convicts and Criminals.
*Just look at Suva lawyer Richard Naidu; he and the NFP leader and former USP professor BIMAN PRASAD think there is nothing wrong in Naidu to be appointed to chair the Financial Review team, when his sentencing is still pending before the Fiji High Court.
"Oh, all charges and convictions of opponents were purely politically motivated, and at the behest of the Bai-Kai Dictatorship'.
CRY THE BELOVED COUNTRY.
Welcome to the Coupcoup Land of Fiji
Bainimarama and Rabuka must be investigated over the Military's Regimental Funds - thousands of dollars missing
Former Prime Minister, Voreqe Bainimarama and suspended Police Commissioner, Sitiveni Qiliho have officially been charged with abuse of office and will be kept in custody tonight.
Chief of Intelligence and Investigations, Acting ACP Sakeo Raikaci says they will appear in the Suva Magistrates Court at 8am tomorrow.
Acting ACP Raikaci says given the seriousness of the charge, they could not grant bail to the two as it is not a bailable offence.
Additional security will be provided for the special court sitting tomorrow.
The charges have been sanctioned against Bainimarama and Qiliho.
The maximum penalty for abuse of office is 10 years imprisonment.
The Crimes Act states that if the act is done or directed to be done for gain, then the maximum penalty is 17 years imprisonment.
Director of Public Prosecutions, Christopher Pryde had sanctioned the charges of abuse of office following a review of the police evidence docket.
Pryde says the charges relate to a complaint laid with the police by the University of the South Pacific in July 2019 in relation to the activities of former staff members of the university.
The DPP says Bainimarama and Qiliho are alleged to have arbitrarily and in abuse of the authority of their respective offices, terminated an active police investigation. The police have also been requested to undertake further investigations into other matters arising from this case and more charges may be laid against other suspects in due course.
Chief of Intelligence and Investigations, Acting ACP Sakeo Raikaci says they will appear in the Suva Magistrates Court at 8am tomorrow.
Acting ACP Raikaci says given the seriousness of the charge, they could not grant bail to the two as it is not a bailable offence.
Additional security will be provided for the special court sitting tomorrow.
The charges have been sanctioned against Bainimarama and Qiliho.
The maximum penalty for abuse of office is 10 years imprisonment.
The Crimes Act states that if the act is done or directed to be done for gain, then the maximum penalty is 17 years imprisonment.
Director of Public Prosecutions, Christopher Pryde had sanctioned the charges of abuse of office following a review of the police evidence docket.
Pryde says the charges relate to a complaint laid with the police by the University of the South Pacific in July 2019 in relation to the activities of former staff members of the university.
The DPP says Bainimarama and Qiliho are alleged to have arbitrarily and in abuse of the authority of their respective offices, terminated an active police investigation. The police have also been requested to undertake further investigations into other matters arising from this case and more charges may be laid against other suspects in due course.
From the Archives, By Russell Hunter and Victor Lal, February 2012,
The New Zealand Herald
By RUSSELL HUNTER and VICTOR LAL
Fiji's chief of police made a private call to his New Zealand counterpart urging him to arrest Commodore Frank Bainimarama a few weeks before the military leader seized power in a coup in December 2006.
It was reported at the time that a request had been made through Interpol and rejected by the New Zealand Government but only now can details from behind the scenes be [re]vealed.
In November 2006 then Police Commissioner Howard Broad took the call from his Fiji counterpart Andrew Hughes, an Australian, who wanted to know if Commodore Bainimarama had committed any offence under New Zealand law for which he could be arrested.
Teams of police officers from both forces worked over a weekend and agreed the future dictator could be charged in New Zealand with perverting the course of justice in a foreign jurisdiction.
The planned charge related to remarks made by Commodore Bainimarama in New Zealand regarding an investigation into his alleged sedition in Fiji.
Mr Hughes sent two senior officers - an assistant commissioner and a senior detective - to New Zealand to liaise in the planned arrest.
"Then Howard Broad had a change of heart," said Mr Hughes. "He said New Zealand Foreign Affairs preferred a political solution.
"I argued it was his decision as Police Commissioner as to who should be charged in New Zealand."
At the time Commodore Bainimarama was in New Zealand for his granddaughter's christening and the Foreign Minister at the time, Winston Peters, had taken the opportunity to broker talks between him and elected Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase aimed at diverting Fiji's lurch towards a military takeover.
A day later, Mr Hughes received a call from Mr Broad.
"He sought my assurance that no NZ citizen would be endangered in Fiji as result of an arrest," said Mr Hughes.
"Of course I would do all in my power to protect all the people in Fiji but a blanket assurance of that kind was not possible. It would be like me asking him for a similar assurance covering all Fiji people in New Zealand. It wasn't possible to give him that.
"In the end, Mr Broad told me, 'Well, we're not going to arrest him."'
Mr Broad, now retired, told the Weekend Herald yesterday in a written statement that he remembered the call well.
"I remember it as a highly unusual request to consider an allegation against the Chief of Defence Force of a neighbouring country's properly constituted Government.
"I remember giving this decision a lot of consideration because it contained complex operational, legal and policy issues. I made the decision but I took a lot of advice. I remain comfortable with it."
He said some aspects of Mr Hughes' explanation did not accord with his recollection but he did not specify what they were.
In Suva, the Fiji police force had been awaiting an opportunity to arrest the commodore on the sedition charge but were unable to penetrate his heavily armed personal security detail - rarely less than 12-strong at any given time.
"I had earlier taken a brief of evidence to the DPP," said Mr Hughes, "and it was agreed that there was a case to answer on a sedition charge.
"We wanted to arrest and charge Commodore Bainimarama but he was permanently covered by heavy security. I was very keen to avoid an armed confrontation between the police and the military. So we waited."
As Prime Minister Qarase waited at Suva's Nausori airport to board a New Zealand Air Force VIP jet to take him to the Peters-brokered talks in Wellington, he was surprised to be joined by Mr Hughes, who then explained that the arrest plan was unlikely to come to fruition. Mr Qarase was shocked.
The Fiji Police Commissioner boarded the flight and in Wellington he met a deputy secretary for foreign affairs but was again told the New Zealand Government's position was that a political or diplomatic solution was preferred.
Aware that the police were ready to arrest him in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama had made it one of his many conditions for any settlement that the police commissioner would have to go.
Mr Hughes had, a week previously, sent his wife and sons to Australia having received credible information that they could be targeted by a military snatch squad.
In Wellington, he sought consular advice which was that he should not return to Fiji. He never did.
Mr Hughes also considered the safety of his own loyal officers who would try to protect him from military arrest.
The 2006 coup was the commodore's fourth attempt.
In 2000 during the negotiations that ended the Speight hostage crisis he suggested that the military should run the country for up to 50 years but Speight - and the president - would have none of it. In 2004 and again in 2005 he planned to take over the Government but his senior officers refused to commit treason.
All were sacked.
By December 2006 it was now or never for Commodore Bainimarama. It was widely agreed amongst informed observers of the events of 2006 in Fiji, including the diplomatic community, that without Commodore Bainimarama the RFMF would be rudderless.
Had Commodore Bainimarama been arrested in New Zealand the Fiji military would have been unable and unwilling to proceed with the removal of the Qarase Government.
The then US ambassador to Fiji, Larry Dinger, summed it up when he told his masters in Washington in a cable leaked by WikiLeaks regarding the New Zealand arrest plan.
"Being passive with bullies only encourages them. An arrest abroad might be the only way to enforce a criminal charge and remove the Bainimarama thorn," he reported.
Labour's foreign affairs spokesman Phil Goff, who did not deal with the issue, could not confirm Mr Hughes' account.
However, he could understand why no arrest was made, saying such a course of action would mean a country lost its credibility as a mediator for dealing with crises.
"I scarcely think you were going to lure a person here under false pretences only to arrest him. That would be seen as an ambush and bad faith and it wouldn't have resolved the situation within Fiji. "
Fiji's chief of police made a private call to his New Zealand counterpart urging him to arrest Commodore Frank Bainimarama a few weeks before the military leader seized power in a coup in December 2006.
It was reported at the time that a request had been made through Interpol and rejected by the New Zealand Government but only now can details from behind the scenes be [re]vealed.
In November 2006 then Police Commissioner Howard Broad took the call from his Fiji counterpart Andrew Hughes, an Australian, who wanted to know if Commodore Bainimarama had committed any offence under New Zealand law for which he could be arrested.
Teams of police officers from both forces worked over a weekend and agreed the future dictator could be charged in New Zealand with perverting the course of justice in a foreign jurisdiction.
The planned charge related to remarks made by Commodore Bainimarama in New Zealand regarding an investigation into his alleged sedition in Fiji.
Mr Hughes sent two senior officers - an assistant commissioner and a senior detective - to New Zealand to liaise in the planned arrest.
"Then Howard Broad had a change of heart," said Mr Hughes. "He said New Zealand Foreign Affairs preferred a political solution.
"I argued it was his decision as Police Commissioner as to who should be charged in New Zealand."
At the time Commodore Bainimarama was in New Zealand for his granddaughter's christening and the Foreign Minister at the time, Winston Peters, had taken the opportunity to broker talks between him and elected Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase aimed at diverting Fiji's lurch towards a military takeover.
A day later, Mr Hughes received a call from Mr Broad.
"He sought my assurance that no NZ citizen would be endangered in Fiji as result of an arrest," said Mr Hughes.
"Of course I would do all in my power to protect all the people in Fiji but a blanket assurance of that kind was not possible. It would be like me asking him for a similar assurance covering all Fiji people in New Zealand. It wasn't possible to give him that.
"In the end, Mr Broad told me, 'Well, we're not going to arrest him."'
Mr Broad, now retired, told the Weekend Herald yesterday in a written statement that he remembered the call well.
"I remember it as a highly unusual request to consider an allegation against the Chief of Defence Force of a neighbouring country's properly constituted Government.
"I remember giving this decision a lot of consideration because it contained complex operational, legal and policy issues. I made the decision but I took a lot of advice. I remain comfortable with it."
He said some aspects of Mr Hughes' explanation did not accord with his recollection but he did not specify what they were.
In Suva, the Fiji police force had been awaiting an opportunity to arrest the commodore on the sedition charge but were unable to penetrate his heavily armed personal security detail - rarely less than 12-strong at any given time.
"I had earlier taken a brief of evidence to the DPP," said Mr Hughes, "and it was agreed that there was a case to answer on a sedition charge.
"We wanted to arrest and charge Commodore Bainimarama but he was permanently covered by heavy security. I was very keen to avoid an armed confrontation between the police and the military. So we waited."
As Prime Minister Qarase waited at Suva's Nausori airport to board a New Zealand Air Force VIP jet to take him to the Peters-brokered talks in Wellington, he was surprised to be joined by Mr Hughes, who then explained that the arrest plan was unlikely to come to fruition. Mr Qarase was shocked.
The Fiji Police Commissioner boarded the flight and in Wellington he met a deputy secretary for foreign affairs but was again told the New Zealand Government's position was that a political or diplomatic solution was preferred.
Aware that the police were ready to arrest him in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama had made it one of his many conditions for any settlement that the police commissioner would have to go.
Mr Hughes had, a week previously, sent his wife and sons to Australia having received credible information that they could be targeted by a military snatch squad.
In Wellington, he sought consular advice which was that he should not return to Fiji. He never did.
Mr Hughes also considered the safety of his own loyal officers who would try to protect him from military arrest.
The 2006 coup was the commodore's fourth attempt.
In 2000 during the negotiations that ended the Speight hostage crisis he suggested that the military should run the country for up to 50 years but Speight - and the president - would have none of it. In 2004 and again in 2005 he planned to take over the Government but his senior officers refused to commit treason.
All were sacked.
By December 2006 it was now or never for Commodore Bainimarama. It was widely agreed amongst informed observers of the events of 2006 in Fiji, including the diplomatic community, that without Commodore Bainimarama the RFMF would be rudderless.
Had Commodore Bainimarama been arrested in New Zealand the Fiji military would have been unable and unwilling to proceed with the removal of the Qarase Government.
The then US ambassador to Fiji, Larry Dinger, summed it up when he told his masters in Washington in a cable leaked by WikiLeaks regarding the New Zealand arrest plan.
"Being passive with bullies only encourages them. An arrest abroad might be the only way to enforce a criminal charge and remove the Bainimarama thorn," he reported.
Labour's foreign affairs spokesman Phil Goff, who did not deal with the issue, could not confirm Mr Hughes' account.
However, he could understand why no arrest was made, saying such a course of action would mean a country lost its credibility as a mediator for dealing with crises.
"I scarcely think you were going to lure a person here under false pretences only to arrest him. That would be seen as an ambush and bad faith and it wouldn't have resolved the situation within Fiji. "
A series of documents smuggled out of Fiji tell a vastly different story. Bainimarama not only wanted the job but had tried three times previously to seize control of the nation.
His first attempt occurred during the negotiations to end the George Speight hostage crisis in August 2000. Several of those present confirmed that the Commodore - who had tacitly supported the Speight coup - declared that the military should lead the nation "for the next five, 10 or 50 years".
A heated argument between Speight and Bainimarama ensued, ending only when President Ratu Josefa Iloilo said a democratic solution was the only way forward.
Bainimarama proposed that banker and businessman Laisenia Qarase should lead an interim government with elections after one year. But to his frustration he found his "advice" to the interim government was routinely shunned.
By December 2003 the Qarase government - tired of the Commodore's constant and often public interference - was reluctant to renew his term, due to expire in April the following year.
When Bainimarama got wind of this, he flew into a rage and ordered his senior officers to start planning a coup. But he reckoned without senior officers who counselled against such action and finally refused to implement his orders.
On January 5, 2004, secret advice to Bainimarama not to stage a coup warned of the chaos and damage that could follow.
The document, composed and signed by Lieutenant Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau, Colonel Alfred Tuatoko, Colonel George Kadavulevu, Colonel Samuela Raduva and naval commander Timoci Koroi, reads in part:
"We feel that the interests of the RFMF (Republic of Fiji Military Forces) and the nation have been overridden by your personal wishes ...
"Under the circumstances there is no way you can justify your intent and impending action. On the other hand the consequences of such action would be catastrophic for Fiji. The despair and suffering will be unbearable and longer lasting than that experienced after 1987 and 2000."
None of the officers agreed to be interviewed.
However, the later "redress of wrong petition" also contains a statement by Tuatoko, who wrote: "In my interview with [Bainimarama] he stated that he would forcefully remove the present government if his term as Comd RFMF was not renewed.
"I advised him that such an act was illegal and amounted to treason. I advised him that there are legal ways to settle his disagreement with government and that he must follow that legal path. Comd said that doing so would take too much time. He said that removing the government would be legally wrong but was morally correct."
This document was sent to the Minister for Home Affairs, Joketani Cokanasiga, and is likely to have been seen by Qarase. Incredibly, nothing was done. A senior minister told Hunter at the time: "We're not too worried about him [Bainimarama]. He doesn't have the support at the camp that he thinks he has."
The aborted coup of January 2004 persuaded the Government that the soldiers would not obey their commander if he ordered them to commit treason by removing it.
In December 2005, Bainimarama decided to try for a third time. He had been reappointed, so his job was no longer an issue, but he knew Police Commissioner Andrew Hughes had no intention of backing off a murder inquiry into the deaths of five members of the elite Counter Revolutionary Warfare unit, kicked to death by loyalist soldiers after the November 2000 mutiny.
There was also anger in sections of the officer corps (by now mostly hand-picked Bainimarama men) that the Qarase Government was "soft" on those involved in the 2000 coup.
Bainimarama had sacked the five officers who refused to carry out his first attempted coup and appointed Lieutenant Colonel Jone Baledrokadroka as Land Force Commander - effectively his deputy. He told Baledrokadroka to prepare plans for a military takeover.
Like his brother officers before him, JB (as he was known) refused to be involved in treason. He was told to take leave and not come back but again the coup had to be postponed.
JB told Hunter on the day of his dismissal: "I saw an order that I deciphered as treasonous and I could not accept it."
By May 2006, in the full realisation that Bainimarama's reappointment had not bought off its troublesome military commander and with a fresh election victory under its belt, the Cabinet wanted him gone.
There was talk of surcharging him for the blatant abuse of military funding in the army's "Truth and Justice" campaign that sought to influence voters during the 2006 election. It came to nothing - but Bainimarama was to hear of it and it fanned the flames of his fury.
With the dismissal of JB he was able to surround himself with an officer corps that owed their positions to him alone. His coup would take place within a year.
Claim strongman threatened to kill officer
Fiji leader Frank Bainimarama threatened to kill a former top army officer who challenged his 2003 coup plan, according to the officer's written testimony.
The late Lieutenant-Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau refused to carry out the Commodore's coup order and took a new job as CEO at the Ministry of Home Affairs.
In a file note at the time he recalled in January 2004 the Commodore barged into Home Affairs Minister Joketani Cokanasiga's office with several bodyguards, accusing Waqanisau of raising an army against him.
"Bainimarama further said had it not been for the minister I would have been dead already, and next time the military came back to finish what they started he would personally lead [them] to town and make sure I would be the first to die.
"I told Bainimarama when he came down next time he should come alone, without his weapon and his armed body guards and then try to kill me. He became furious challenging me to a fight taking off his [weapon] and posing for a fight... I said I didn't want to fight him and he should go away. The minister was holding him back and eventually pushed him out the door."
His first attempt occurred during the negotiations to end the George Speight hostage crisis in August 2000. Several of those present confirmed that the Commodore - who had tacitly supported the Speight coup - declared that the military should lead the nation "for the next five, 10 or 50 years".
A heated argument between Speight and Bainimarama ensued, ending only when President Ratu Josefa Iloilo said a democratic solution was the only way forward.
Bainimarama proposed that banker and businessman Laisenia Qarase should lead an interim government with elections after one year. But to his frustration he found his "advice" to the interim government was routinely shunned.
By December 2003 the Qarase government - tired of the Commodore's constant and often public interference - was reluctant to renew his term, due to expire in April the following year.
When Bainimarama got wind of this, he flew into a rage and ordered his senior officers to start planning a coup. But he reckoned without senior officers who counselled against such action and finally refused to implement his orders.
On January 5, 2004, secret advice to Bainimarama not to stage a coup warned of the chaos and damage that could follow.
The document, composed and signed by Lieutenant Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau, Colonel Alfred Tuatoko, Colonel George Kadavulevu, Colonel Samuela Raduva and naval commander Timoci Koroi, reads in part:
"We feel that the interests of the RFMF (Republic of Fiji Military Forces) and the nation have been overridden by your personal wishes ...
"Under the circumstances there is no way you can justify your intent and impending action. On the other hand the consequences of such action would be catastrophic for Fiji. The despair and suffering will be unbearable and longer lasting than that experienced after 1987 and 2000."
None of the officers agreed to be interviewed.
However, the later "redress of wrong petition" also contains a statement by Tuatoko, who wrote: "In my interview with [Bainimarama] he stated that he would forcefully remove the present government if his term as Comd RFMF was not renewed.
"I advised him that such an act was illegal and amounted to treason. I advised him that there are legal ways to settle his disagreement with government and that he must follow that legal path. Comd said that doing so would take too much time. He said that removing the government would be legally wrong but was morally correct."
This document was sent to the Minister for Home Affairs, Joketani Cokanasiga, and is likely to have been seen by Qarase. Incredibly, nothing was done. A senior minister told Hunter at the time: "We're not too worried about him [Bainimarama]. He doesn't have the support at the camp that he thinks he has."
The aborted coup of January 2004 persuaded the Government that the soldiers would not obey their commander if he ordered them to commit treason by removing it.
In December 2005, Bainimarama decided to try for a third time. He had been reappointed, so his job was no longer an issue, but he knew Police Commissioner Andrew Hughes had no intention of backing off a murder inquiry into the deaths of five members of the elite Counter Revolutionary Warfare unit, kicked to death by loyalist soldiers after the November 2000 mutiny.
There was also anger in sections of the officer corps (by now mostly hand-picked Bainimarama men) that the Qarase Government was "soft" on those involved in the 2000 coup.
Bainimarama had sacked the five officers who refused to carry out his first attempted coup and appointed Lieutenant Colonel Jone Baledrokadroka as Land Force Commander - effectively his deputy. He told Baledrokadroka to prepare plans for a military takeover.
Like his brother officers before him, JB (as he was known) refused to be involved in treason. He was told to take leave and not come back but again the coup had to be postponed.
JB told Hunter on the day of his dismissal: "I saw an order that I deciphered as treasonous and I could not accept it."
By May 2006, in the full realisation that Bainimarama's reappointment had not bought off its troublesome military commander and with a fresh election victory under its belt, the Cabinet wanted him gone.
There was talk of surcharging him for the blatant abuse of military funding in the army's "Truth and Justice" campaign that sought to influence voters during the 2006 election. It came to nothing - but Bainimarama was to hear of it and it fanned the flames of his fury.
With the dismissal of JB he was able to surround himself with an officer corps that owed their positions to him alone. His coup would take place within a year.
Claim strongman threatened to kill officer
Fiji leader Frank Bainimarama threatened to kill a former top army officer who challenged his 2003 coup plan, according to the officer's written testimony.
The late Lieutenant-Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau refused to carry out the Commodore's coup order and took a new job as CEO at the Ministry of Home Affairs.
In a file note at the time he recalled in January 2004 the Commodore barged into Home Affairs Minister Joketani Cokanasiga's office with several bodyguards, accusing Waqanisau of raising an army against him.
"Bainimarama further said had it not been for the minister I would have been dead already, and next time the military came back to finish what they started he would personally lead [them] to town and make sure I would be the first to die.
"I told Bainimarama when he came down next time he should come alone, without his weapon and his armed body guards and then try to kill me. He became furious challenging me to a fight taking off his [weapon] and posing for a fight... I said I didn't want to fight him and he should go away. The minister was holding him back and eventually pushed him out the door."
Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama says Victor Lal and Russell Hunter have personal vendettas against him.
By GRAHAM DAVIS
(Fiji-born Graham Davis is now an award-winning print and broadcast journalist in Australia. He has covered major events around the world.
He blogs at grubsheet.com)
Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama has strongly denied claims made by two former Fiji journalists that he tried to mount three coups before his takeover in December 2006.
In two articles in the New Zealand Herald, the Oxford-based academic and author Victor Lal and Russell Hunter, the expelled former publisher and editor-in-chief of the Fiji Sun, said Commodore Bainimarama had tried to take over the country after the Speight coup in 2000, and then again in 2004 and 2005.
The latest article details what the authors say is leaked correspondence from some of Commodore Bainimarama’s fellow officers urging him not to proceed and warning that they would oppose him.
In an interview in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama said the allegations were “not true”.
In the case of 2000, Mr Lal and Mr Hunter reported that Commodore Bainimarama demanded the military should be given the authority to rule Fiji for 50 years but this was opposed by the then president, Ratu Josefa Iloilo.
ALREADY IN CONTROL
Denying the account, Commodore Bainimarama said he was already in control of Fiji in 2000. “For their information, I was in charge of the nation in 2000, so I took over in 2000. I gave the government to (Laisenia) Qarase”.
The Prime Minister said it was historical fact that he had handed the reins of power to Laisenia Qarase hoping that he would govern for all Fijians and not just the indigenous majority.
“Everyone knows the story of 2000 when I came in, so why they changed this and (have) people believing it, I don’t know”.
Commodore Bainimarama also denied subsequent attempts to seize government before his takeover in 2006.
He said: In 2004 and 2005, there was no intention then to remove the government because I was trying to tell the government to play ball.
“There was a build-up of animosity between us and the government of the day, but there was no intention then to remove them because I was trying to get them to change their stance on the Qoliqoli (coastal resources) Bill and the racism that was rife. I was trying to persuade Qarase that he was wrong but there was no talk of us wanting to do coups then.”
The Prime Minister also responded to the account by Mr Lal and Mr Hunter that the former Australian police chief in Fiji, Andrew Hughes, tried to persuade NZ police to arrest him during a visit there in the lead-up to the 2006 coup.
According to their report, Mr Hughes believed that comments made by Commodore Bainimarama during the visit constituted grounds for a NZ charge of perverting the course justice.
These comments related to an ongoing police investigation in Fiji into whether Commodore Bainimarama could be charged with sedition for threatening to overthrow the government of Laisenia Qarase. In the event, the New Zealanders refused to act, primarily because of fears for the safety of NZ citizens in Fiji if the arrest provoked a backlash in the military.
IGNORED THE HUGHES PLAN
The Fijian leader said he’d been aware at the time of the Hughes plan to have him arrested but had ignored it
.
“I didn’t think much of it because I think this guy is a twit. I mean, who would think of getting away with the arrest of a defence force chief in the Pacific, especially an Australian coming to arrest a commander of the Fiji Military Forces”, he said.
Noting that the then NZ Police chief, Howard Broad “had more sense” than Hughes to reject the request, Commodore Bainimarama said the arrest attempt “didn’t surprise him” and he believed that Andrew Hughes was acting on the instructions of the Australian Government.
“I have no doubt about that. The government of the day (Qarase’s SDL) were puppets in the hands of the Australians so Hughes was doing the bidding of both the Qarase government and the Australian Government”, he said.
The Fijian leader said the arrest attempt did not change his behaviour in any way. “We’d already made up our minds on what we were going to do and that was to remove Qarase,” he said.
PERSONAL VENDETTA
He also launched an attack on Mr Lal and Mr Hunter, claiming they were engaged in a personal vendetta against him.
“You should look at the writers. They are not credible people. Victor Lal runs down everyone in Fiji. So does Russell Hunter”.
The prime minister said Mr Hunter was motivated by anger that he’d been expelled from Fiji after 2006.
“He got the kick from here so obviously he will try and retaliate,” Commodore Bainimarama said.
(Fiji-born Graham Davis is now an award-winning print and broadcast journalist in Australia. He has covered major events around the world.
He blogs at grubsheet.com)
Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama has strongly denied claims made by two former Fiji journalists that he tried to mount three coups before his takeover in December 2006.
In two articles in the New Zealand Herald, the Oxford-based academic and author Victor Lal and Russell Hunter, the expelled former publisher and editor-in-chief of the Fiji Sun, said Commodore Bainimarama had tried to take over the country after the Speight coup in 2000, and then again in 2004 and 2005.
The latest article details what the authors say is leaked correspondence from some of Commodore Bainimarama’s fellow officers urging him not to proceed and warning that they would oppose him.
In an interview in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama said the allegations were “not true”.
In the case of 2000, Mr Lal and Mr Hunter reported that Commodore Bainimarama demanded the military should be given the authority to rule Fiji for 50 years but this was opposed by the then president, Ratu Josefa Iloilo.
ALREADY IN CONTROL
Denying the account, Commodore Bainimarama said he was already in control of Fiji in 2000. “For their information, I was in charge of the nation in 2000, so I took over in 2000. I gave the government to (Laisenia) Qarase”.
The Prime Minister said it was historical fact that he had handed the reins of power to Laisenia Qarase hoping that he would govern for all Fijians and not just the indigenous majority.
“Everyone knows the story of 2000 when I came in, so why they changed this and (have) people believing it, I don’t know”.
Commodore Bainimarama also denied subsequent attempts to seize government before his takeover in 2006.
He said: In 2004 and 2005, there was no intention then to remove the government because I was trying to tell the government to play ball.
“There was a build-up of animosity between us and the government of the day, but there was no intention then to remove them because I was trying to get them to change their stance on the Qoliqoli (coastal resources) Bill and the racism that was rife. I was trying to persuade Qarase that he was wrong but there was no talk of us wanting to do coups then.”
The Prime Minister also responded to the account by Mr Lal and Mr Hunter that the former Australian police chief in Fiji, Andrew Hughes, tried to persuade NZ police to arrest him during a visit there in the lead-up to the 2006 coup.
According to their report, Mr Hughes believed that comments made by Commodore Bainimarama during the visit constituted grounds for a NZ charge of perverting the course justice.
These comments related to an ongoing police investigation in Fiji into whether Commodore Bainimarama could be charged with sedition for threatening to overthrow the government of Laisenia Qarase. In the event, the New Zealanders refused to act, primarily because of fears for the safety of NZ citizens in Fiji if the arrest provoked a backlash in the military.
IGNORED THE HUGHES PLAN
The Fijian leader said he’d been aware at the time of the Hughes plan to have him arrested but had ignored it
.
“I didn’t think much of it because I think this guy is a twit. I mean, who would think of getting away with the arrest of a defence force chief in the Pacific, especially an Australian coming to arrest a commander of the Fiji Military Forces”, he said.
Noting that the then NZ Police chief, Howard Broad “had more sense” than Hughes to reject the request, Commodore Bainimarama said the arrest attempt “didn’t surprise him” and he believed that Andrew Hughes was acting on the instructions of the Australian Government.
“I have no doubt about that. The government of the day (Qarase’s SDL) were puppets in the hands of the Australians so Hughes was doing the bidding of both the Qarase government and the Australian Government”, he said.
The Fijian leader said the arrest attempt did not change his behaviour in any way. “We’d already made up our minds on what we were going to do and that was to remove Qarase,” he said.
PERSONAL VENDETTA
He also launched an attack on Mr Lal and Mr Hunter, claiming they were engaged in a personal vendetta against him.
“You should look at the writers. They are not credible people. Victor Lal runs down everyone in Fiji. So does Russell Hunter”.
The prime minister said Mr Hunter was motivated by anger that he’d been expelled from Fiji after 2006.
“He got the kick from here so obviously he will try and retaliate,” Commodore Bainimarama said.
