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BELTING AN INDO-FIJIAN BEGGAR WOMAN: No, it is NOT 14 May 1987 but Rabuka-Biman's new Fiji. As we had warned before the election, the TRAITOR's coalition with Rabuka will see violence rain on Indo-Fijians

30/4/2023

Where is the POVERTY MISTRESSES, Lynda Tabuya and Sashi Kiran or for that matter, the motormouth SHAMIMA ALI?
As for BIMAN PRASAD, we hold him responsible for the brutal beating of this Indo-Fijian beggar woman in Lautoka.
In 1987, he was hiding from Rabuka and his racist rampaging mob as they were beating up Indo-Fijians, while screaming, like Idi Amin,
'FIJI FOR THE FIJIANS'
*GIRMIT and beatings of Indo-Fijian women return to the Fiji streets. The megalomaniac Aiyaz Khaiyum had many faults but NEVER was an Indo-Fijian woman (even a begging one) publicly belted in broad daylight.
What we witnessed is the return of violence started by Rabuka in 1987.

15 MAY: Despite historical evidence that Indian indentured labourers arrived in Fiji on 14 May 1879, Biman Prasad and Sashi Kiran have decided that the Girmit celebrations be held on 15 May because they know that their Coalition led Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka executed the coup on 14 May 1987. Worst, Prasad has handed $500,000 to Dr GANESH CHAND to organise the girmit celebrations when he is aware that Chand is accused of abuse of office, and FICAC hopes to resume the case if and when the principal witness agrees to testify against Chand.
*What is there to celebrate on 15 May?

SINGH-PRASAD spat over DAKSESH PATEL rocks Coalition government. FURY that Prasad who was demanding FFP government 'come clean' on sale of 44 per cent shares of EFL is now defending Patel as FNPF Chair

28/4/2023

DEFINITELY. Coalition is planning to kick him off the three-legged wobbly scooter government as Finance Minister before he and his un-elected side-kick RICHARD NAIDU destroy the ECONOMY, supported by FFP cronies

Sugar Minister Charan Jeath Singh to Daksesh Patel
"You should resign from the board before you get dismissed. It's a shame you divested 40% of EFL shares to a Singaporean/ Japanese company. You should go ahead and sell Vinod Patel Company shares to anyone you want but not sell Fiji Government assets please."

WITH NFP STALWART VINOD PATEL

"The FFP Government “quietly” issued the statement to announce the acquisition and did not mention the price to be paid for the [EFL] shares. 20 per cent of the shares are being sold by FNPF. FNFP bought these shares 18 months ago for $206 million. The other 24 per cent is being sold from the government shares. These shares belong to the people of Fiji. The Government serves the people of Fiji. Why has the Government not told the people of Fiji how much their property was sold for? This Government says it is transparent and accountable."
The NFP leader BIMAN PRASAD, 28 March 2021, Fiji Times

Questions have arisen on the nature and value of the sale of 44 per cent shares of Energy Fiji Ltd to Japanese consortium Sevens Pacific Pte Ltd that was announced last Friday evening.

And National Federation Party leader Professor Biman Prasad has exhorted the Government to “come clean” on this transaction.

He claims the Government “quietly” issued the statement to announce the acquisition and did not mention the price to be paid for the shares.

“20 per cent of the shares are being sold by FNPF.

“FNPF bought these shares 18 months ago for $206 million.
“The other 24 per cent is being sold from the government shares,” he said.

“These shares belong to the people of Fiji.

“The Government serves the people of Fiji.

“Why has the Government not told the people of Fiji how much their property was sold for?

“This Government says it is transparent and accountable.

“So it must be transparent with the people of Fiji and answer the following: what is the sale price; what will Government do with the money it gets, like all other money it has borrowed; what did the Government do with the $206m it got from the FNPF in 2019 or had it already borrowed the money?”

Mr Prasad challenged the Government to be honest with the people and say what they were entitled to know.

From Fijileaks Archive, 13 June 2021

www.fijileaks.com/home/electric-bolt-from-the-blue-as-ffp-government-sells-44-eel-shares-to-japanese-electricity-company-sevens-pacific-pte-ltd-sppl-why-was-sspl-registered-in-singapore-on-4-march-2021-and-not-in-fiji

CABINET MINISTERS AT CROSSHAIRS over FFP donor and FNFP chair DAKSESH PATEL. Charan Jeath Singh wants Patel to RESIGN or for Rabuka to sack him. Biman Prasad has 'full confidence in Daksesh Patel'

27/4/2023

Fijileaks: BIMAN PRASAD TO BE FIRED AS FINANCE MINISTER.
Fury is mounting that he has allowed RICHARD NAIDU, the convicted Suva lawyer awaiting sentence, to make pronouncements on Coalition's financial policies, as poverty-stricken Fijians of all races take to Tik-Tok to demand the SACKING of out-out-control PRASAD

HOLDING TWO MILITARY GOONS TO ACCOUNT. Now, SAM SPEIGHT has arrived back in Fiji after 12 years, will he call for the arrest and trial of two of his TORTURERS in 2011 - Penioni [BEN] Naliva and Siwatibau Rabuka

26/4/2023

Ben Naliva

Sam Speight

Savenaca Siwatibau
Rabuka

In 2011, George Speight's elder brother Samisoni Tikoinisau Speight was badly beaten up by the two above RFMF military goons (Naliva and Rabuka) and required medical treatment in Australia. Despite my role some ten years previously in helping put George Speight behind bars, I was willing to reveal in the now defunct C4/5 blogsite Sam Speight's beating and torture at the army barracks (see full statement below).

As expected, the two goons threatened my life but in 2014, one of them, Savenaca Siwatibau Rabuka was begging Islamic terrorists to spare his Life and that of the i-taukei Fijian soldiers under his command in Golan Heights. His capture also led to him being identified by the late Russell Hunter as the army officer who had escorted Hunter onto the plane for deportation to Australia. Rabuka had held his pistol against Hunter's back throughout the ordeal. We don't know if the two were also involved in the abduction, detention, and torture of Hunter in 2008.
Many of the i-taukei who fled after Bainimarama's 2006 Coup got To Whom It May Concern letters from us for PROTECTION VISAS.
Now, they are one by one streaming back into Fiji, some already feeding off on the spoils of the Coalition government's victory.
*Some Cabinet Ministers who NEVER stood up against the Bainimarama dictatorship, are wagging their fingers at me. We say, UP YOURS!
We have always stood up for Justice, Freedom, and Human Rights for All

GO, TELL YOUR MISERY to former RBF Governor SAVENACA NARUBE. Vincent McKenzie reveals the personal and financial misery he endured when he was kicked out as school principal on turning 55. Hear, NARUBE

26/4/2023

“I am a victim of the first lot of civil servants who were told to pack up and move out in 2009. I also had friends who have passed away. They had bills to pay, they had housing loans to pay off. I had to go and find employment overseas for three years. For what? To pay off my housing loans, the loans that I took before retirement. If I had retired at the age of 60, I would have paid it off.” VINCENT McKENZIE

A retired school principal and a Tamavua resident, Vincent McKenzie, says he is one of the many victims of the early retirement age policy.

Speaking during a public consultation on municipal council elections and the retirement age of municipal council officers at the Suva Civic Centre yesterday, he said he had a housing loan which was not paid off when he retired at the age of 55.

“I am a victim of the first lot of civil servants who were told to pack up and move out in 2009,” Mr McKenzie said.

“I also had friends who have passed away. They had bills to pay, they had housing loans to pay off.

“I had to go and find employment overseas for three years. For what? To pay off my housing loans, the loans that I took before retirement.

“If I had retired at the age of 60, I would have paid it off.”

He also highlighted the importance of retaining skilled people in the country.

“I have done my own personal research in my area. We find that a lot of skilled people are leaving. Not only the qualified people who are leaving, we find drivers, we find waitresses, we find people of different skills leaving this country.

“Now, if we allow this to happen in our municipality, you will find all these skilled people leaving us.

“One of the examples is garbage collectors. When I was in New Zealand for three years, I took up teaching down there, the garbage collectors there were collecting very good salaries.

“If these guys from here start leaving, who are we going to be left with? “And then, we have the skilled workers from the garages, the mechanics, they are going.”

Mr McKenzie said he was glad that the retirement age of municipal council officers would revert to 60.

“I am glad that we are bringing back this retirement age from 55 to 60 before it’s too late, and we realise that it’s too late that all our workers who are being put off at the age of 55 and we leave this gap of council workers.

“Whatever level they’re in, from the bottom right up to the top level, we need these people to remain here because they’re looking at the services in our council.” Source: The Fiji Times

RESERVED for DISMISSAL: Reserve Bank Governor Ariff Ali and FICAC boss RASHMI ASLAM latest to be SACKED soon. Biman Prasad accused of favouring Indo-Fijian economists over i-Taukei in the Finance Ministry

25/4/2023

JOHN RABUKU, former acting DPP and FICAC lawyer, most likely to replace Aslam at FICAC
The former PS PAULA ULUINACEVA or FILIMONE WAQABACA, most likely candidates to replace Ariff Ali at Reserve Bank of Fiji

UNITY FIJI LEADER and former RBF Governor Savenaca Narube also TOUTED by some but Fijileaks doubts he has any chance to replace Ali

From Fijileaks Archive, 11 December 2022

Summary

1. (C) Fiji will experience a severe economic downturn in 2007 as an after-effect of the December 2006 coup. Foreign reserves are very low (perhaps much lower than they appear in the Reserve Bank's end-of-year accounts), exports are flat, and levels of new investment are expected to be minimal. The major hope for the economy is a rapid tourism rebound, but tourism leaders tell us they expect a significant drop in revenue caused by lower visitor levels and deep discounts.

Fiji Reserve Bank officials tell us they are determined to avoid a devaluation or other drastic action that would reverberate throughout the economy. How the interim government deals with the economy will play a big role in determining the level of discontent in Fiji over the coming months and will have a direct impact on the stability of the current regime.

Chaudhry Says GDP Will Fall 2-4% in 2007

2. (C) As noted reftel, Interim Minister of Finance Mahendra Chaudhry went public earlier this month with an estimate that Fiji's economy will contract 2-4% in 2007. Chaudhry insisted the gloomy economic outlook was primarily due to the economic policies of the Qarase government.

"The nation knows that we were heading for an economic disaster before December 5," he said.

Lorraine Seeto, Senior Manager at the Reserve Bank of Fiji, told us that despite Chaudhry's rhetoric, there is no doubt the economic downturn is a direct result of the coup. 2007 would have been a tough year for the economy, she said, even without the coup because of tight foreign reserves and the unexpected decision in late 2006 by Emperor Gold Mine to shut down operations.

Exports, which fell about 5% in 2006 from 2005 levels (primarily due to textile declines), have shown few signs of picking back up. Nevertheless, the Reserve Bank projects that the economy would have grown 1-2% if the coup had not taken place. The coup has had a direct negative impact on tourism, investment, and consumption, Seeto said, above and beyond other factors.

3. (C) Seeto thinks the GDP forecast announced by Chaudhry might be too pessimistic. She believes GDP will drop about 2%. Seeto admitted, however, that some optimistic assumptions are built into her forecast, In mid-December the Reserve Bank's best estimate was that GDP would drop up to 10% in 2007. A projected rebound in tourism led the Bank to improve its forecast. Seeto admitted that other optimistic assumptions are built into the GDP forecast, including the assumption that EU funds to assist Fiji's sugar industry will not be cut off (Fiji and the EU are expected to hold consultations on EU aid in Brussels in March or April).

Anqian Huang, Asian Development Bank chief economist for Fiji, told us he believes the minus 2-4% GDP forecast is reasonable. Closing the Emperor Gold Mine will hurt (losing about FJ$50 million in exports), but other export sectors, such as agriculture, sugar, and mineral water, should not be affected by the coup, thus keeping the GDP downturn from turning into a free fall.

Financial Reserves on the Brink

4. (C) While the GDP numbers are worrying, Seeto and Huang both said their biggest concern is Fiji's low financial reserve level. The Reserve Bank's end of 2006 report puts reserves at FJ$832 million (US$492 million), or about 3.3 months of imports, up from 2.5 months of imports in mid-2006. Seeto said the numbers are misleading because they include US$150 million (FJ$250 million) in proceeds from a bond issued by the Qarase government on international markets last September and FJ$60 million in deferred fuel payments. If those two elements are deducted, Fiji's reserves would only be FJ$520 million, or a little over two months of imports.

5. (C) Huang told us the reserve situation is even worse than Seeto described. He pointed out that in early 2006 the Reserve Bank changed its definition of "reserves" to include offshore assets held by non-bank financial institutions. Under the new definition, reserves immediately increased by about FJ$270 million. Huang insisted that the change in definition was not justified, and does not meet international standards.

Andrew Milford, economist at the Pacific Financial Technical Assistance Center, an IMF-World Bank joint venture, told us the Reserve Bank's action was "borderline," and he was unaware of any other country using a similar definition of reserves. Nevertheless, the IMF had reluctantly agreed to the change, with the stipulation that those funds must be readily accessible to the Reserve Bank. He said the new definition allows the Bank to include offshore assets of the Fiji National Provident Fund (FNPF), Fiji's social security system, in its reserve calculations. Milford said Fiji tapped FNPF overseas funds at least once during the Qarase administration, and is likely to do so again, given the current shaky reserve situation. (Comment: It appears that the majority of Fiji's financial reserves now consist of a) proceeds from the USD$150 million bond offering, and b) offshore holdings of the FNPF. If those two items were deducted, Fiji's reserves would fall to about FJ$250 million, or one month's supply of imports. End comment.)

Qarase's $150 Million Bond - Chaudhry's Ace in the Hole?

6 (C) Seeto and Huang agreed it is somewhat ironic that one factor keeping the interim government financially afloat is the US$150 million bond the Qarase government floated in Singapore last September. The five-year bond was snapped up by investors at 7% interest. Heavy demand for the bond (it was oversubscribed by nearly 700%) pushed its interest rate down from the initial price guidance of 7.25%. Seeto commented that investors, who purchased the bond at a time which Fiji's prospects seemed bright, have not done well. Since the coup, the bond's value has dropped by about 10% from face value. From the Reserve Bank's perspective, however, the timing of the bond offering was perfect. There is no way, said Seeto, that Fiji could now borrow at anything close to a 7% rate.

Huang pointed out that the dismal performance of the Fiji bond over the past three months does not bode well for future Fiji borrowing on international markets. Moreover, in only five years Fiji will have to pay back the money it borrowed. Where will those funds come from?

7. (C) Seeto and Huang noted that, having already used the bond to inflate reserve levels at the end of 2006, Chaudhry is likely to use the bond proceeds to keep the deficit under control in the new budget he will announce in March. Seeto said she doesn't see how Chaudhry can avoid converting the bond proceeds (now denominated in U.S. dollars) into Fiji dollars to help pay bills. If he does this, however, reserve levels will drop sharply. It's a difficult balancing act, one that has received almost no publicity or public scrutiny. Seeto said the only other option is to borrow heavily on the domestic market. She noted that Chaudhry, long a critic of government borrowing from FNPF, is now (privately) a proponent of such borrowing.

What's the Interim Government's Fiscal Situation? The Reserve Bank Doesn't Know

8. (C) Seeto said that, in theory, the Reserve Bank is supposed to have access to all government financial records, including weekly debit and credit receipts. The reports the Bank is now getting, however, are far from complete. Therefore, the Bank has a very limited understanding of the interim government's fiscal situation, and even less information about military spending. Anecdotal reports, however, indicate that the regime is having real trouble paying its bills. Seeto noted that Fiji's tax authority had been unable to process tax refunds in a timely manner and that every ministry she talks to complains about being short of the funds needed to meet their obligations.

(Note: We made several requests to the Ministry of Finance for working level meetings to discuss Fiji's fiscal situation and the budget. All went unanswered. End note.)

Policy Steps to Ease the Financial Crunch

9. (C) Seeto said the Reserve Bank fully endorses the interim government's efforts to cut spending. Reserve Bank Governor Savenaca Narube is the Chairman of the interim government's Economic Recovery Group (ERG), which recommended lowering the civil service retirement age, deferring cost of living increases, and cutting salaries. Seeto said the Reserve Bank was a strong opponent of the wage and back-pay package the Qarase government entered into with public sector unions last year, and would be happy to see that agreement rescinded. Seeto questioned how, even with these steps, Chaudhry will be able to keep to a 2% budget deficit, as he has promised. Given the tricks a pro like Chaudhry can play with budgets, she doubts the March budget presentation will make things much clearer.

How About a Devaluation?

10. (C) Seeto says she gets calls from reporters "almost daily" asking about prospects for a devaluation of the Fiji dollar. A devaluation, she told us, would only be an act of last resort by the Reserve Bank, but could take place if reserve levels were to drop precipitously. Because Fiji is heavily import-dependent, a devaluation - with its resulting higher price for imports - would mean an immediate drop in the standard of living for most Fijians and would especially impact the poor. Seeto thinks the Finance Ministry would be willing to take far more drastic steps to reduce government spending rather than risk a devaluation. The ADB's Huang said he understands why the interim government and Reserve Bank oppose a devaluation, but he insisted that a devaluation is the only action that makes sense from a long-term perspective. With reserves this low and no prospect of an export or investment boom in the near future, a devaluation is the only way to achieve economic equilibrium.

Banking on Tourism is Premature

11 (C) As Seeto noted, any optimism about Fiji's economy stems from the widely-accepted notion that tourism is poised to bounce back. Members of Fiji's private sector Tourism Action Group (TAG), consisting of representatives from hotels, airlines, and tour companies, told the Ambassador February 22 that the interim government has unrealistic expectations about tourism. The next four months are likely to be "quite bad" they said, with many hotels showing occupancy rates in the 20-40% range. Many hotels with higher occupancy have relied on price cuts of 40% or more and are not making any money. Tourism operators are banking on improved occupancy and rates during the peak tourist season, May to October. TAG estimates that if tourism "returns to normal" by May, industry revenue will still be down FJ$120 million (about USD 75 million) from pre-coup projections. They emphasize that forecast is very optimistic - occupancy rates may go up, but rates may not return to pre-coup levels for a long time.

Moreover, several new hotels have opened in the last year, and more are scheduled to open in 2007, making the struggle to make a profit even harder. 12. (C) The TAG group complained that some government departments and a number of academics "have been working overtime churning out numbers" to show that tourism is recovering. If those academics were to plant their feet on the ground and look at things like a businessman, they'd realize things are not so rosy. The TAG members say they are worried that Chaudhry will view tourism as a "cash cow" he can tap into to fund government programs. They see possible new duties on "luxury" goods used in the tourism sector, new taxes on tourists, and additional income and corporate taxes. (Note: On February 13, Fiji's Department of Immigration proposed a new visa/permit fee it said could raise FJ$10 million per year. The interim cabinet has not made a decision on the proposed fee. End note.)

Dixon Seeto, Head of the Fiji Hotel Association and a TAG member, recounted how at a meeting with the interim government he commented that "to take the economy forward, it is not advisable to make everyone poor." He told us the reaction to the comment "by Chaudhry's socialist advisors" was distinctly negative.

Other Industries Worried Too

13. (C) Rajesh Punja, head of the food manufacturer and importer Punjas, also told us he is worried about interim government actions that could harm industry. Punja said various sources tell him that, with money tight and poverty levels rising, Chaudhry will cut import tariffs on food items to placate his main constituency, the poor. This will have the unintended consequence of crippling Fiji's fledgling food manufacturing industry. Punjas has a plan in place to adopt to the change - the company will focus almost exclusively on importing. But in the meantime hundreds of manufacturing jobs will be lost as will an important export industry for Fiji. Punjas sells food products manufactured in Fiji throughout the Pacific. Punja, who insists that he has always had a good relationship with Chaudhry, has asked for meetings with the interim Finance Minister, but has been repeatedly rebuffed.

Comment - A Coming Winter of Discontent?

14. (C) How the interim regime deals with the economy will have a major impact on levels of discontent in Fiji in the coming months and ultimately on the stability of the regime. The interim government inherited a difficult economic hand, exacerbated greatly by the after-effects of the coup. Chaudhry will try very hard to avoid taking steps that directly feed discontent, such as devaluing the Fiji dollar or increasing the VAT. The business community and the civil service have every reason to be concerned Chaudhry will look to them to make up for Fiji's financial shortfall.

Another source that will be increasingly tapped is the FNPF, Fiji's social security system.

While Chaudhry may be able to mask Fiji's fundamental financial problems for a while, the regime will be able to live off bond proceeds, loans, and FNPF funds for only so long.

Sooner or later, Fiji's average citizen will begin to feel the strong impact the coup has had on the economy.

It is not clear at all how the interim government will cope when populist rhetoric confronts pocket book reality. DINGER

IN THE FIRING LINE: Rabuka's Coalition government comes under fire for the sordid arrest, detention, and manhandling of SHAENAZ VOSS as she pleads NOT guilty to charge, Khaiyum's bodyguards and plane gun

24/4/2023

Fiji Airways staff say bodyguards for former attorney-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum were allowed to carry guns onto Fiji Link domestic flights when he was a passenger without Civil Aviation Authority of Fiji (CAAF) approval.

Current and former airline ground staff have told this newspaper they were directed by Fiji Airways senior management to allow the guns to be carried in the cockpit of Fiji Link aircraft, even though approvals from CAAF had not been obtained.

Emily Simmons, a former member of Fiji Link’s Premier Service team, told the Fiji Times that Fiji Airways staff had initially raised concerns when Khaiyum’s bodyguards carried firearms on board domestic flights.
“The proper procedure is that we must see or be given written approval from CAAF and the airline, and once this has been satisfied, the magazine (the part of the gun holding bullets) must be ejected and stored separately from the weapon in the cargo hold. But every time the former A-G and his bodyguards travelled, we were told by a very senior executive to allow the weapons onboard and for them to be kept in the cockpit with the pilots. We knew this was a breach but we couldn’t do anything about it because we needed our jobs. To my knowledge, we were never shown a written approval from the airline or CAAF (Civil Aviation Authority of Fiji). We were just told verbally to allow it.”

Attorney-General Siromi Turaga is concerned about claims that the bodyguards of his predecessor, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, did not have proper permission for their guns to be carried on board domestic flights, as Police launched an investigation into the allegations.

Mr Turaga said the authorities would need to look into the legality of the bodyguards’ firearms being carried on the flights.

The police confirmed yesterday that they had begun an investigation, which included an interview of The Fiji Times reporter Felix Chaudhary, whose story was published on Tuesday.

Chief of Intelligence, Investigations and Prosecutions, Assistant Commissioner of Police Sakeo Raikaci confirmed a report to the police had been lodged yesterday.

“The matter is under investigation,” he said.

Retired Fiji Link CEO Shaenaz Voss has pleaded not guilty to a charge of failure to comply with the requirements of the operator’s airline security programme and has been granted bail by the Nausori Magistrates Court.

Voss has been charged in relation to unlawful carriage of firearms on board a flight from Nausori to Labasa Airport on 8th October, 2018.

Police say this is the case relating to the bodyguards of the former Attorney General, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum allegedly carrying firearms on the Fiji Link flight.

According to the particulars in her charge sheet, Voss on the 8th of October in 2018 at Nausori Airport, being the Chief Executive Officer of Fiji Link failed to comply with the requirements of Fiji Link Operation Airline Security programme on board domestic Flight FJ32.

Magistrate Shageeth Somaratne granted bail on a personal bail bond of $10,000, two sureties and other conditions including reporting at her nearest police station on the last Sunday of every month, not to reoffend and not to interfere with the witnesses.

DPP lawyer, Meli Vosawale did not object to bail and said that standard bail conditions can apply.

Voss is represented by R Patel lawyers Devanesh Sharma and Gul Fatima.

Her sureties are her brother, Steven Khan and friend Peter Mazey. Police Chief of Intelligence, Investigations and Prosecutions, ACP Sakeo Raikaci says 63-year-old Voss was arrested on Saturday from the Nadi International Airport.

ACP Raikaci says Voss was interviewed under caution on Saturday through Video Recorded Interview and kept in police custody for the continuation of her interview yesterday and was further kept in custody for the completion of her interview this morning.

He says she was charged after consultation with the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

ACP Raikaci says Voss was out of the country when investigation was initiated until recently when she arrived last Friday.

He has once again reassured members of the public that there will not be any influence from senior police officers as well as political masters in the process of investigating cases of national interest.

ACP Raikaci adds all investigations will be conducted thoroughly and fairly, therefore they once again plead for patience and understanding as there are processes and procedures that have to be followed and complied with accordingly. Source: FijiVillage News

Below is a pungent Facebook comment by the Head of Journalism at USP, Dr Shailendra Singh, in which he credits the government with "diminishing its national and international image in record time "through its "apparent disregard for due process and rule of law".
As Shailendra Singh puts it:
"The world is watching these antics and we risk becoming a joke internationally and regionally".
It is a warning shot from a distinguished and influential educator that the NFP, in particular, ignores at its peril.

“I left Fiji in 1991, sad and disillusioned. Sad, because the country of my birth, where our ancestors’ bones lie interred, no longer made me feel welcome. Disillusioned because a nation once internationally hailed as a peaceful paradise and a showcase for democracy and multiracial harmony turned out, in the end, to be a purgatory for half its people. For beneath the thin veneer of a civilized and enlightened society lurked serious undercurrents of racial tension and hostility.” - Vijendra Kumar

At the narrative's heart are the vivid accounts of Kumar's remarkable life story while growing up in Nadi. What emerges is a fascinating portrait of the simplicities as well as the complexities of a life lived in Fiji — a depiction many Fijians would readily identify with.

Kumar started in journalism humbly enough: as a self-taught, underpaid, and sometimes unpaid proofreader cum reporter/editor of the National Federation Party (NFP) mouthpiece, the weekly Pacific Review.

Duties included errands to collect editorial copy from party leader, the late AD Patel's home. In the book, the prominent Nadi lawyer comes across as somewhat snooty — a pukka sahib in Kumar's words — and rather tardy with deadlines, often giving Kumar the runaround.

When he plucked the courage to ask for his pay, Kumar was shown the empty office till. On a lucky week, he received $25. This saw Kumar take up high school teaching, a job he stuck with for 12 years, before returning to his true calling as a reporter, but this time at The Fiji Times, in 1969.

Within six years, Kumar had become the first local editor at the iconic national daily, up until then largely an expatriate stronghold. His resignation in 1991 and subsequent migration to Australia was a consequence of Fiji's first coup in 1987. Kumar dwells on the coup at length, which is hardly surprising, since the coup's impact was not just stunning, but also enduring. The trauma was felt deeply, both at the national and personal levels.

During his time in Australia, Kumar served as a subeditor at the Courier Mail in Brisbane, before retiring in 2001. It was a remarkable journey for a descendent of Indian indentured labourers; one who left home at the tender age of six to live with his aunt to gain access to better education.

Kumar's insights matter: As the editor of The Fiji Times, he was at the vantage of major developments in the country's history, observing them unfold, interpreting them, and reporting their impacts nationally.

In the first chapter, "Goodbye to Paradise", it's apparent that even a newspaperman like him was taken in by Fiji's relative post-independence calm. The mirage was shattered by the 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka nationalist coup. In Kumar's view, the coup turned Fiji into a "purgatory for half its people".

The post-coup media crackdown created a precarious environment for journalists. Kumar writes that the editorship was always a "hot seat" but after the coup the "heat became almost unbearable". After four years of "harassment, intimidation and outright threats", he felt that he could no longer discharge his professional duties with "honesty and without fear".

Kumar expresses disappointments and regrets without rancour. His measured analysis demonstrates an astute knowledge of Fiji politics and a deep respect for Fijian culture. "The Fall of a Titan" was his tribute to Ratu Mara after his death in April 2004.

Kumar notes that the Rabuka coups not only signalled the death of democracy, but also the fall of a titan in Ratu Mara, who hastened his own demise by failing first to condemn the coup, and then, by leading the post-coup regime.

Coups are by nature replete with irony. Mara was accused of being behind the very coup that, in the eyes of many, tarnished his record. The suspicions were fuelled by none other than a brooding Rabuka, who said he felt used and betrayed by the coup's unseen power-brokers.

In Kumar's view, Ratu Mara "dedicated his life to his country" and will be "kindly judged by history. The Pacific Island states have produced no greater son," he writes. But Ratu Mara critics, who accuse him of a litany of sins — ranging from racism to corruption, and crony capitalism to political opportunism — would strongly disagree with Kumar.

Like many a leader, Ratu Mara was a controversial figure. The team of reporters that Kumar headed did not spare Mara, even though Kumar had gotten to know him personally. If Kumar's portrayal in the book sounds more forgiving, it's probably because of hindsight and reflection. His evaluation possibly stems from a more holistic analysis of Ratu Mara's record, and a healthier appreciation of the frailties of human beings. Even Gandhi is reported to have had skeletons in his closet.

Ratu Mara tried to be a political centrist, and if he failed, the fault wasn't his alone. The middle ground in an ethnically-divided country like Fiji is a precariously fine line. It's a slippery slope that has claimed quite a few political scalps, such as the doomed multiracial coalition headed by opposition leader Jai Ram Reddy and Prime Minister Rabuka in 1999. Rabuka's fall in particular added to the ironies of the 1987 coup.

Kumar highlights a number of such political absurdities. His soft side surfaces in his tribute to the late Irene Jai Narayan. The fiery Narayan was shunned by her National Federation Party electorate after she crossed the floor to join Ratu Mara's Alliance Party in 1987.

Kumar not only dissects Narayan's defection, but he also highlights her distinguished service to the country.
"She lit a spark among women," he states. Fiji academic, Professor Satendra Nandan pins down Kumar's style best in the book's foreword: Kumar "provides a balanced picture with a rare generosity of mind, but often with sharp and discriminating insights".

This attitude explains why Kumar was a highly-regarded newspaper editor, even in the face of growing skepticism about the ethics of a market-driven media, increasingly locked in fierce ratings and circulation wars.
Academics like McNair and Fallow have drawn attention to the emergence of an increasingly aggressive form of journalism that has given rise to a "decline of deference", with political leaders considered prized targets. This trend marks a wide paradigm shift in political reporting — from "healthy skepticism" and an "independent, adversarial relationship with politics", to a "corrosively cynical and hyper-adversarial" posture.

Media researcher Spiess calls it "attack dog journalism" — an aggressive reporting strain that goes beyond the watchdog role and harms "fledgling democracies" by "nurturing intolerance and diminishing faith" in leaders.

Some media analysts partly attribute the fall of prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry's government in 2000 to media hyper-adversarialism. Others see media hyper-adversarialism as just a theory. But even as a theory, media hyper-adversarialism is pertinent for a vulnerable, multi-ethnic democracy such as Fiji.

In Fiji, sound and mature editorial judgments are crucial for public trust and confidence, especially in crisis situations. In this respect, it's likely that Kumar's clear-thinking and foresightedness helped steer The Fiji Times through the dangerous 1987 coup waters without sinking into oblivion.

The second coup in September 1987 forced the paper's closer for seven weeks. It reopened after direct representations to Rabuka, who only asked that the paper not publish inflammatory material. Regrettably, Fiji's second national newspaper, The Fiji Sun, which had also bravely criticised Rabuka's actions, closed for good after the first coup.

While forced out of Fiji by circumstances, Kumar, like many exiles, is still emotionally attached to the country. His multicultural outlook is reflected in his qualified support for Voreqe Bainimarama's 2006 coup. In "The Rise of a Reformer", first published in 2012, Kumar sees Bainimarama's mission as reforming a flawed, racially-based political system and building a stronger democracy.

Overall, Kumar's disdain of a coup culture is evident. He writes: "Although coup-makers' corpses eventually end up rotting on the dung heap of history, the countries experiencing such dislocation continue to wallow in a social, economic and political quagmire for a long time."

Kumar then poses a poignant question: "Can Fiji go against the tide of history?" That is no doubt the silent prayer of many a coup-jaded Fijian.

A Fiji Diary: Reminiscences and Reminiscences and Reflections of a Newsman, is available at, and can be ordered through, the USP Bookshop, Laucala campus, Suva.

COUPIST RABUKA. He arrived with a PISTOL hidden under his JACKET, followed by 10 of his fully armed military goons who stormed Parliament and captured the Bavadra Government. Now, back in PM's RESIDENCE

23/4/2023

Fijileaks: We remind Rabuka-Prasad's cheer lackeys that Fiji's descend into tyranny didn't begin with the 5 December 2006 Coup. It began with Rabuka's 1987 COUPS. For Indo-Fijians it was the beginning of the end of their rights in Fiji. Now, the Coalition, the Christians, and the Chiefs, assisted by NFP, are completing what Sitiveni Rabuka and his racist bigots began on 14 May 1987.

RABUKA'S TREASONIST TO COALITION'S APPEAL COURT JUDGE
Coming soon: In 1987, ISIKELI MATAITOGA and our current Editor-in-Chief publicly clashed when the bloody overtly racist popped up on British TV, in full military uniform, to defend his master's 14 May Coup. Now, he is back as recently appointed Fiji Court of Appeal JUDGE. Shortly after the coup, Mataitoga got the Indo-Fijian Suva lawyer MEHBOOB RAZA removed as DPP, and himself became the new DPP, travelling up to London to extradite those suspected of shipping tons of weapons into Fiji, prosecuting those suspected of the 1987 bombings, and became the judicial face of oppression of perceived opponents of Rabuka's 1987 COUPS. He has been rewarded for supporting Rabuka's racist COUPS.

The racist coupist Rabuka, still hiding under the IMMUNITY the former NFP leader, the late JAI RAM REDDY agreed to in the 1997 Constitution, and that is still in place in the 2013 Constitution, continues to enjoy the spoils of his 1987 COUPS, while detaining his opponents, the latest is SHAENAZ VOSS, the former Fiji Airways Chief Customer Experience Officer and CEO of Fiji Link, who is accused of allowing RFMF military guards then protecting Aiyaz Khaiyum to carry weapons onto Fiji Airways/Fiji Link planes.
Yet, the racist thug turned Prime Minister, has never been charged for entering Fiji's Parliament with armed soldiers and detaining the Bavadra government MPs, and allowing the rape, beatings, torture and disenfranchisement of the Indo-Fijians under the 1990 Constitution of Fiji. Rabuka had branded Hindus and Muslims as pagans and imposed strict METHODISM to enforce his Christian fundamentalism.
*It was under this very 1990 Constitution that the third-ranking army colonel and his family stayed in the PM's residence from 1992-1999.
Now, the former military thug is back in another PM's residence

KARIAVATA TEAMS UP WITH KALAVATA: We searched for HYPOCRITE GANESH CHAND in Albert Park but he was inside the Economic Summit.

22/4/2023

For those who are concerned with the Government's Summit costs:
Dear Mr. [Officer from Government who invited me],

As advised earlier I have kindly accepted your invitation to participate in the National Economic Summit.

However, I kindly decline the offer of $80 for travel expenses from Lautoka to Suva, as well as the accommodation for 2 nites @ the Peninsula.

Please also note: I humbly decline to partake in any tea/coffee/snacks/lunch/dinner layouts, and have opted to bring my own. Please ensure that your catering order reflects one less person to be catered for, for this. I shall keep the Government auditor alerted of it come the audit time.

Likewise, I decline to consume any wine/beer/alcohol during the cocktail or consume any finger food; I shall bring my own wine or beers, as suits my mood then, and my own bean-peanut. Likewise, please ensure that your catering order reflects this.

Can you please also make arrangements with the local police etc., to allow me to carry my own snacks, eats and drinks.

Please be alerted: I shall be making a lot of interventions and fruitful contributions.

I, thus, need your advise: I intend not to use the PA system, which you would be paying from taxpayer funds; instead I will use my natural voice. I am trying to locate my 24-year old amplifier - Bhopa they call it in Hindi - which I had purchased for election campaigns in 1999 and 2001. In case I can find it and power it up, I may bring that in so that my own sound system carries my voice well. On this, I know that the sessions will be live online. So listening is not a problem. BUT can you advise me please also on how would you arrange to carry my voice to the other 499 participants, as I intend not to use the tax-payer funded GPH space; would you be able to arrange a government owned desk and chair outside, in Albert Park possibly, from where I can make my contributions. If it rains, I will have my umbrella handy.

This is all in the interest of tax-payers like your panelist Save Narube and invitees, MPC and the Fiji First supporters who, I am sure, will be amply present in the Summit.

Oh, one final matter: Since I wont be using any of the tax-payer paid facilities and provisions, how do you intend to remunerate me for my intellectual contributions to building a better Fiji. I can assure you that the quality of my contributions will be far superior to the combined brain power of the vocal custodians of taxpayer money like Save, MPC and their trolls. Do I invoice you at the rate at which Fiji companies with offices abroad have been charging management fee to their parent companies in Fiji? Or should this be at the rate at which Government pays foreign consultants without any blink of an eye by the vocal public custodians of public finance? I do recognise that after billions were literally siphoned out from Government through shady deals by the previous regime (on which those who are vocal critics now of the summit costs remained silent), Fiji has a financial crisis, and that the Hon. DPM/MF has to walk extra miles to bring Fiji back to normal. In light of this crisis, and as a person with Fiji dear to his heart, do I massively discount my invoice to the level which is comparable to the value of the contributions to Fiji's development by the Summit cost critics?
Your advice would be most appreciated.

Kind Regards.
Ganesh Chand

ECONOMICAL WITH TRUTH ON SPONSORS: Most of the Sponsors were Prasad's Finance Ministry controlled entities. Same Cash COW used by Khaiyum for his economic roadshows. Only two Private sector sponsors

21/4/2023

Fijileaks: The major sponsors are linked to the Government - Reserve Bank of Fiji and Telecom.
Other major sponsors are controlled by the Government and Prasad's Finance Ministry are the HFC Bank (Unit Trust of Fiji has 25% share in HFC) and FNFP has major stake in ATH Ltd which owns Telecom Fiji.
In other words, the sponsors are mostly controlled entities of the Finance Ministry. Its like State funds.
No wonder Biman Prasad was very reluctant to reveal the identities of the sponsors before the SUMMIT.
The FNFP, Telecom Fiji, HFC Bank are employee owned. As pointed out, Unit Trust owns 25% of HFC and FNFP 75%. Telecom's majority shares are owned by ATH/FNPF.
The Investors money in ATH and Unit Trust of Fiji are mostly pensioners investments.
The sponsor Reserve Bank could have paid its sponsorship money to State as dividends.
Basically, the same Cash Cow used by Aiyaz Khaiyum for his grand meetings and conventions.
Fiji Care is owned by Fijifirst donor AVI RAJU.
*Venu Shipping is a small island shipping company doing PAFCO logistics from Levuka factory.
Welcome to Fiji's new Robin Hood Finance Minister in Prasad, one of the 500 so-called and touted 'BRILLIANT MINDS' at the Economic Summit

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DEFINITELY. Coalition is planning to kick him off the three-legged wobbly scooter government as Finance Minister before he and his un-elected side-kick RICHARD NAIDU destroy the ECONOMY, supported by FFP cronies

From Fijileaks Archive, 13 June 2021

​www.fijileaks.com/home/electric-bolt-from-the-blue-as-ffp-government-sells-44-eel-shares-to-japanese-electricity-company-sevens-pacific-pte-ltd-sppl-why-was-sspl-registered-in-singapore-on-4-march-2021-and-not-in-fiji

*JOHN RABUKU, former acting DPP and FICAC lawyer, most likely to replace Aslam at FICAC*The former PS PAULA ULUINACEVA or FILIMONE WAQABACA, most likely candidates to replace Ariff Ali at Reserve Bank of Fiji

UNITY FIJI LEADER and former RBF Governor Savenaca Narube also TOUTED by some but Fijileaks doubts he has any chance to replace Ali

From Fijileaks Archive, 11 December 2022

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www.fijileaks.com/home/electric-bolt-from-the-blue-as-ffp-government-sells-44-eel-shares-to-japanese-electricity-company-sevens-pacific-pte-ltd-sppl-why-was-sspl-registered-in-singapore-on-4-march-2021-and-not-in-fiji

JOHN RABUKU, former acting DPP and FICAC lawyer, most likely to replace Aslam at FICAC
The former PS PAULA ULUINACEVA or FILIMONE WAQABACA, most likely candidates to replace Ariff Ali at Reserve Bank of Fiji