Fijileaks Editor-in-Chief: We fully endorse Riddhi Damodar's views against the call for a 30% Quota for Women in Parliament. In 2014, we fully supported Lynda Tabuya when, as president of the People's Democratic Party, she contested the election. We supported Ro Teimumu Kepa when she led Sodelpa into the election. We supported the former Acting Permanent Secretary for Education Basundra Kumar when she stood in the 2022 election as NFP candidate. In fact, in 2014, we had exposed how the then FFP Education Minister Mahendra Reddy had allegedly, based on personal vendetta, ousted her from her position as acting Education Secretary.
*We firmly believe that if activist Shamima Ali adopted her position on a case by case basis, instead of always claiming 'I am My Sister's Keeper', voters might be more favourable to women candidates.
*We notice another champion of women's rights Imrana Jalal is once again calling for the reservation of 30% of seats in Parliament. During the formulation of the 1997 Constitution, she had presented a lengthy written submission to the Reeves Commission:
'An initial 20% of reserved seats might be a realistic aim. This does not mean that women are limited to just 20% of seats, only that 20% of all seats must be reserved for women and all parties have to field candidates for these seats."
*The Reeves Commission merely mentioned women in passing by referring to the UN Convention on Women (CEDAW) and did not give it any other added importance in the 1997 Rabuka-Reddy Constitution other than advise that the 1997 Constitution 'must not discriminate against a person on any other prohibited ground, such as sex, gender or age, and they must not deny to any person any other human right or fundamental freedom recognised by law'. Other than this, there was no specific mention of the reservation of seats for women.
*Our understanding is that race and ethnic politics, the divisions and efforts to reconcile simply dominated the political and national landscape at the time. So, something like the reservation of seats for women, would simply be rendered invisible in the highly charged tension of post-coup 1987 military politics, ethno-nationalism, land issues along with the racial/ethnic lines.
*Throughout Fiji's electoral history, women candidates managed to break through the political wall. Take, for example, Mrs Irene Jai Narayan, the former NFP Deputy leader who was part of the delegation to London that negotiated Fiji's independence.
*In both the 1972 and 1977 elections, she comprehensively beat my paternal uncle for the Suva Indian communal seat in the Muanikau Ward, despite him being the Alliance Party's former Lord Mayor of Suva.
*Mrs Narayan became the most hated figure in the Indo-Fijian community when she became Sitiveni Rabuka's Minister for Indian Affairs after the racist 1987 military coups.
*She was one of the few Indo-Fijians who agreed to serve in the transitional government of 1987-1992, a government that was widely condemned by many of her fellow Indo-Fijians for promulgating the racist 1990 Constitution of Fiji.
*Once again, we fully endorse Riddhi Damodar, the failed 2018 NFP candidate.
On the 30% Quota for Women in Fiji’s Parliament
As someone who firmly supports women in leadership, I want to see more capable, confident women in Parliament. But I don’t believe the answer lies in guaranteed quotas or handouts. Real progress means building systems that empower women to rise on their own merit—and win because they’re the best for the job.
Fiji’s population is nearly half women. Our voter base reflects that. And yet, women remain underrepresented in Parliament. Why?
Let’s ask the harder questions. Are women not putting themselves forward—or are political parties not selecting them? Is the political culture discouraging women from contesting? These are structural issues we must address before we fall back on quotas as a fix-all.
But here’s a question that’s often left unasked—especially for voters:
In past elections, did you vote for a woman candidate? Or did you choose a male candidate instead? Why?
If voters and especially women are not voting for women candidates, we need to understand why. Is it a lack of trust? Lack of visibility? Lack of women candidates? Or a reflection of deeper societal attitudes? This isn’t about blame—it’s about introspection.
If we want more women in Parliament, it’s not just about how many women stand—it’s about how many of us, especially women, are willing to vote for them.
I believe women are more than capable of running strong, winning campaigns without needing 30% of the seats handed to them. But we need to give them a fair shot: better support from parties, safer spaces to campaign, and a culture that takes their candidacy seriously.
Let’s fix the system—not force the outcome, And let’s back women—not just in talk, but in the ballot box.
As someone who firmly supports women in leadership, I want to see more capable, confident women in Parliament. But I don’t believe the answer lies in guaranteed quotas or handouts. Real progress means building systems that empower women to rise on their own merit—and win because they’re the best for the job.
Fiji’s population is nearly half women. Our voter base reflects that. And yet, women remain underrepresented in Parliament. Why?
Let’s ask the harder questions. Are women not putting themselves forward—or are political parties not selecting them? Is the political culture discouraging women from contesting? These are structural issues we must address before we fall back on quotas as a fix-all.
But here’s a question that’s often left unasked—especially for voters:
In past elections, did you vote for a woman candidate? Or did you choose a male candidate instead? Why?
If voters and especially women are not voting for women candidates, we need to understand why. Is it a lack of trust? Lack of visibility? Lack of women candidates? Or a reflection of deeper societal attitudes? This isn’t about blame—it’s about introspection.
If we want more women in Parliament, it’s not just about how many women stand—it’s about how many of us, especially women, are willing to vote for them.
I believe women are more than capable of running strong, winning campaigns without needing 30% of the seats handed to them. But we need to give them a fair shot: better support from parties, safer spaces to campaign, and a culture that takes their candidacy seriously.
Let’s fix the system—not force the outcome, And let’s back women—not just in talk, but in the ballot box.
Jalal A call is being made to support a submission by the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM) and Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC) to have temporary special measures for 30 percent reserved seats for women in parliament.
Imrana Jalal, who is a founding member of the FWRM, is calling on NGOs and civil society organisations to support the submission titled “Reforming our Electoral Legislation for Gender Equality in Fiji’s Parliament” by the FWRM and FWCC to the Fiji Electoral Law Reform Commission.
Jalal says the submission calls for temporary special measures to reserve 30 percent of seats in Parliament for women, to be contested only by women, but open to votes from all voters, not just women.
She says they ask for either extra seats for women or a proportion of existing seats.
The renowned lawyer says they believe that this is a temporary solution to create a level playing field between men and women until women can compete fairly with men in normal seats.
She says their submission contains a plethora of evidence in support where they also ask for other improvements which they believe will create a better representative democracy such as a geographical constituency representative model where people can go to their MP for accountability.
Jalal says they also ask for scrapping of the current system which glorifies the ‘Big Man’ autocratic patriarchal concept and allows MPs with minuscule votes to be in Parliament and Cabinet.
They also ask for better protection for female candidates and MPs against online and offline sexual harassment, bullying, intimidation and threats of violence.
Imrana Jalal, who is a founding member of the FWRM, is calling on NGOs and civil society organisations to support the submission titled “Reforming our Electoral Legislation for Gender Equality in Fiji’s Parliament” by the FWRM and FWCC to the Fiji Electoral Law Reform Commission.
Jalal says the submission calls for temporary special measures to reserve 30 percent of seats in Parliament for women, to be contested only by women, but open to votes from all voters, not just women.
She says they ask for either extra seats for women or a proportion of existing seats.
The renowned lawyer says they believe that this is a temporary solution to create a level playing field between men and women until women can compete fairly with men in normal seats.
She says their submission contains a plethora of evidence in support where they also ask for other improvements which they believe will create a better representative democracy such as a geographical constituency representative model where people can go to their MP for accountability.
Jalal says they also ask for scrapping of the current system which glorifies the ‘Big Man’ autocratic patriarchal concept and allows MPs with minuscule votes to be in Parliament and Cabinet.
They also ask for better protection for female candidates and MPs against online and offline sexual harassment, bullying, intimidation and threats of violence.
*We won't be surprised that sooner or later Indo-Fijians and Other Minorities will demand Reservation of Seats in Parliament to prevent Idi-Amin like expulsion from Fiji, now that i-Taukei have become MAJORITY.
*From Fijileaks Archive, 9 October 2021.
The recent glorification of NFP founder and leader A. D. PATEL
in the Fiji Times is all HOGWASH. The London Constitutional talks, even though Patel had passed away before the talks, revolved around majority and minority population rights, without taking into account the fact that the Indo-Fijians were on their way to becoming a minority race in Fiji
*There were projections that by 1988 the Fijian (i-Taukei) population would overtake the Indians (Indo-Fijians) as the largest racial group in the country. Apart from the far-reaching implications, this trend also raises a fundamental question: which group is to be treated as a minority in need of constitutional and political safeguards?
Victor Lal, Fiji: Coups in Paradise - Race, Politics and Military Intervention
*The NFP also handed veto power to CHIEFS, argued against DUAL CITIZENSHIP, and accepted ongoing future COMMON/COMMUNAL ROLL voting system talks. In a hurry to KICK the British out, they went to London with the voice of NFP founder and India-born AD Patel ringing in their ears, and returned empty-handed, except with a new Constitution of Fiji that was the final depository of an i-Taukei's Charter of Rights. Since 1970, NFP kept Indo-Fijians trapped into a BOTTOMLESS PIT but hopefully in 2022 they will have broken free from their inglorious past. So much has been made of the 1997 Constitution. It was designed to ensure that SVT-NFP (Sitiveni Rabuka-Jai Ram Reddy) formed the new government (mandatory power-sharing) after the 1999 election but the
heavy baggage of history and bigotry was against them.
"Colonial rule on its departure left Fiji in Fijian (i-Taukei) hands and might thereby be deemed to have fulfilled, at least in a political sense, its promise of paramountcy of indigenous interests. By permitting European over-representation and facilitating an alliance of European and Fijian communities, it substantially secured the European positiion. As for Indians (Indo-Fijians), who had been brought in initially as indentured labourers but with the prominence of 'employment of rights' and a large majority of whom in 1970 supported the opposiiton National Federation Party, the care of their future was transferred, without any specific legal provisions, from the British to the new rulers of Fiji." - The late Dr AHMED ALI, who later ran and became a Cabinet Minister in the Alliance Party and Rabuka's Interim Coup Cabinet
The Great Council of Chiefs. We look forward to the day when WOMEN (especially i-Taukei women) will rise up and demand equality in the Great Council of Chiefs. So far, there is only one lonely figure - Ro Teimumu Kepa in the GCC. PATRIARCHY on full display in Fiji.
*Ro Kepa was also cheated of the Presidency, for it went to Rabuka's paramount chief, who had only managed to get 300 votes in the 2022 general election as PAP candidate.
*Maybe, those (including Daniel Fatiaki) now screaming against candidates with 200-300 votes in Parliament, will agitate to remove Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu as President of Fiji.
*From Fijileaks Archive, 12 November 2024.
*The NFP's Deputy Leader Mrs Narayan signing away Indo-Fijian rights (while her fellow Indo-Fijian women and young girls were being raped-confirmed by Shamima Ali despite Lynda Tabuya asking for evidence like Police Reports) to Coupist Sitiveni Rabuka in October 1987.
*Mrs Irene Jai Narayan oversaw the passage of the racist and feudalistic 1990 Constitution that disenfranchised Indo-Fijians.
*The Australian Justice Michael Kirby had branded the 1990 Constitution 'quite as bad' as the apartheid laws in South Africa.
*'Those who lift their voice against that form of entrenched legal discrimination must do saw against this new and completely unacceptable [1990] Constitution of Fiji', said Justice Kirby.
*Fijileaks: Who says more women in Fiji's Parliament will protect and defend women's rights - Mrs Narayan is a disgraceful example why more women like Riddhi Damodar should reject calls for the reservation of 30% of seats in Parliament for Women.
