 |  A Miracle in Fiji: From Heart Trouble to Constitutional Surgeon |
*If the Judicial Services Commission once believed the demands of running FICAC might endanger his health, the public is entitled to ask a simple question: What exactly has changed?
Has there been a miraculous recovery?
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Sevuloni Valenitabua’s Miracle: Too Sick for FICAC, Yet Fit to Review Fiji’s Coup Constitution by AUGUST 2026
Fiji is a deeply Christian country. Politicians pray before meetings, pastors bless Parliament, and political events are often explained in the language of faith.
Which may explain the latest miracle in Fiji’s constitutional politics.
At the centre of it stands Sevuloni Valenitabua, now appointed to chair the commission reviewing the 2013 Constitution of Fiji.
On the surface, the appointment might appear routine. A senior lawyer is asked to help guide a national conversation about the country’s constitutional future.
Except that not so long ago Valenitabua sought another powerful public office, Commissioner of FICAC.
He applied willingly.
There was no hesitation about seeking to head FICAC, an institution created during the political order that followed the 2006 coup.
The origins of the institution apparently caused him no moral discomfort.
But he did not get the job.
The reason was that the JSC concluded that the position might not be suitable for him because of heart-related health concerns.
In simple terms, the job was considered too stressful.
The Miracle Recovery
Fast forward to today.
The same individual whom the Judicial Services Commission believed might struggle with the pressures of leading the anti-corruption watchdog is now presiding over a Constitutional Review Commission.
This is no ceremonial committee.
The commission must travel across Fiji, consult the public, receive submissions, and navigate intense political disagreement about the legitimacy of the 2013 Constitution itself, and deliver its report by August 2026.
In other words, the assignment will be politically explosive, legally complex, and administratively demanding.
Yet somehow the earlier medical concerns appear to have disappeared.
One is tempted to conclude that Fiji’s political system has discovered a remarkable form of healing.
Divine Guidance in Fijian Politics
Perhaps the explanation lies in Fiji’s long-standing tradition of invoking divine intervention in political affairs.
After all Sitiveni Rabuka once famously suggested that God had whispered to him before he carried out the 1987 coups.
If divine inspiration can justify coups, perhaps divine healing can also cure heart conditions.
Seen in that light, Valenitabua’s recovery may simply be the latest chapter in Fiji’s curious blend of religion and politics.
The Constitutional Irony
The irony does not end there.
Valenitabua once sought to lead FICAC, an institution born out of the post-2006 coup state.
Now he presides over a commission reviewing the 2013 Constitution, itself the constitutional offspring of that same political order.
At the same time, many of the loudest voices calling for the Constitution to be scrapped come from ethno-nationalist quarters and supportered by the Great Council of Chiefs.
Thus Fiji now finds itself in a rather extraordinary situation.
A lawyer once willing to run a coup-era anti-corruption body FICAC now chairs a commission examining the coup-era constitution that created it.
A Simple Question
None of this is about Valenitabua personally.
Health matters deserve respect.
But public institutions also require consistency.
If the Judicial Services Commission once believed the demands of running FICAC might endanger his health, the public is entitled to ask a simple question.
What exactly has changed?
Has there been a miraculous recovery?
Or has Fiji simply discovered that reviewing the Constitution is somehow less stressful than fighting corruption?
In a country where coups have been explained as divine whispers, perhaps the answer lies in faith.
For in Fiji’s political theatre, miracles apparently do happen.
Fiji is a deeply Christian country. Politicians pray before meetings, pastors bless Parliament, and political events are often explained in the language of faith.
Which may explain the latest miracle in Fiji’s constitutional politics.
At the centre of it stands Sevuloni Valenitabua, now appointed to chair the commission reviewing the 2013 Constitution of Fiji.
On the surface, the appointment might appear routine. A senior lawyer is asked to help guide a national conversation about the country’s constitutional future.
Except that not so long ago Valenitabua sought another powerful public office, Commissioner of FICAC.
He applied willingly.
There was no hesitation about seeking to head FICAC, an institution created during the political order that followed the 2006 coup.
The origins of the institution apparently caused him no moral discomfort.
But he did not get the job.
The reason was that the JSC concluded that the position might not be suitable for him because of heart-related health concerns.
In simple terms, the job was considered too stressful.
The Miracle Recovery
Fast forward to today.
The same individual whom the Judicial Services Commission believed might struggle with the pressures of leading the anti-corruption watchdog is now presiding over a Constitutional Review Commission.
This is no ceremonial committee.
The commission must travel across Fiji, consult the public, receive submissions, and navigate intense political disagreement about the legitimacy of the 2013 Constitution itself, and deliver its report by August 2026.
In other words, the assignment will be politically explosive, legally complex, and administratively demanding.
Yet somehow the earlier medical concerns appear to have disappeared.
One is tempted to conclude that Fiji’s political system has discovered a remarkable form of healing.
Divine Guidance in Fijian Politics
Perhaps the explanation lies in Fiji’s long-standing tradition of invoking divine intervention in political affairs.
After all Sitiveni Rabuka once famously suggested that God had whispered to him before he carried out the 1987 coups.
If divine inspiration can justify coups, perhaps divine healing can also cure heart conditions.
Seen in that light, Valenitabua’s recovery may simply be the latest chapter in Fiji’s curious blend of religion and politics.
The Constitutional Irony
The irony does not end there.
Valenitabua once sought to lead FICAC, an institution born out of the post-2006 coup state.
Now he presides over a commission reviewing the 2013 Constitution, itself the constitutional offspring of that same political order.
At the same time, many of the loudest voices calling for the Constitution to be scrapped come from ethno-nationalist quarters and supportered by the Great Council of Chiefs.
Thus Fiji now finds itself in a rather extraordinary situation.
A lawyer once willing to run a coup-era anti-corruption body FICAC now chairs a commission examining the coup-era constitution that created it.
A Simple Question
None of this is about Valenitabua personally.
Health matters deserve respect.
But public institutions also require consistency.
If the Judicial Services Commission once believed the demands of running FICAC might endanger his health, the public is entitled to ask a simple question.
What exactly has changed?
Has there been a miraculous recovery?
Or has Fiji simply discovered that reviewing the Constitution is somehow less stressful than fighting corruption?
In a country where coups have been explained as divine whispers, perhaps the answer lies in faith.
For in Fiji’s political theatre, miracles apparently do happen.
Karavaki Nominated by SODELPA. But Rabuka’s Lawyer Valenitabua and Cousin’s Wife Unaisi-Baba Get the Constitutional Review Seats
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In Fiji’s ever-fascinating system of public appointments, nominations appear to function more as polite suggestions than decisive recommendations.
Take the case of Semesa Karavaki. Karavaki was reportedly nominated by SODELPA to serve on the Constitutional Review Commission.
One might reasonably assume that a nomination from a coalition partner would carry some weight. But Fiji’s political appointments often operate according to a different logic.
Karavaki did not make the final list. Instead, the seat went to Sevuloni Valenitabua and Unaisi Nabobo-Baba.
The FNU Backstory
The appointment of Unaisi-Baba is particularly striking given her previous clash with Karavaki during the turbulent period at FNU.
While serving as chair of the FNU Council, Karavaki raised a series of allegations concerning Unaisi-Baba’s leadership as Vice-Chancellor. Among the accusations he publicly highlighted were:
Karavaki indicated that these issues were serious enough for complaints to be lodged with both the Fiji Police and FICAC. Those allegations remain allegations, but they formed part of one of the most contentious governance crises in the university’s history.
Fiji’s Family and Legal Connections
Yet the plot thickens.
The chair of the Constitutional Review Commission, Valenitabua, has also been known as a lawyer for Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka. And Unaisi-Baba, now a member of the same commission, happens to be married into Rabuka’s extended family - the wife of his cousin the late Dr Tupeni Baba (Editor: RIP, an old friend of mine for over 45 years).
Thus the final composition of the commission reveals a rather neat alignment:
The man who nominated concerns about her leadership and was himself nominated by a political party is left out.
The Appointment Formula
Seen in that light, Fiji’s selection process begins to look almost mathematical. Step one: invite nominations. Step two: acknowledge them. Step three: appoint individuals with closer personal and professional proximity to power.
In fairness, Fiji has always been a small society where family and professional relationships inevitably overlap. But when those relationships begin to shape the composition of a commission reviewing the nation’s Constitution, the optics become difficult to ignore.
The Final Irony
For Karavaki, the outcome must carry a certain irony.
Take the case of Semesa Karavaki. Karavaki was reportedly nominated by SODELPA to serve on the Constitutional Review Commission.
One might reasonably assume that a nomination from a coalition partner would carry some weight. But Fiji’s political appointments often operate according to a different logic.
Karavaki did not make the final list. Instead, the seat went to Sevuloni Valenitabua and Unaisi Nabobo-Baba.
The FNU Backstory
The appointment of Unaisi-Baba is particularly striking given her previous clash with Karavaki during the turbulent period at FNU.
While serving as chair of the FNU Council, Karavaki raised a series of allegations concerning Unaisi-Baba’s leadership as Vice-Chancellor. Among the accusations he publicly highlighted were:
- Bullying and victimisation of staff, raised by whistleblowers;
- Governance irregularities within the university administration;
- Questionable appointments and promotions, including academic titles;
- Management decisions allegedly bypassing the authority of the university council.
Karavaki indicated that these issues were serious enough for complaints to be lodged with both the Fiji Police and FICAC. Those allegations remain allegations, but they formed part of one of the most contentious governance crises in the university’s history.
Fiji’s Family and Legal Connections
Yet the plot thickens.
The chair of the Constitutional Review Commission, Valenitabua, has also been known as a lawyer for Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka. And Unaisi-Baba, now a member of the same commission, happens to be married into Rabuka’s extended family - the wife of his cousin the late Dr Tupeni Baba (Editor: RIP, an old friend of mine for over 45 years).
Thus the final composition of the commission reveals a rather neat alignment:
- Rabuka’s lawyer chairs the commission.
- Rabuka’s cousin’s wife sits on it.
- The other members are mostly from the NFP fold.
The man who nominated concerns about her leadership and was himself nominated by a political party is left out.
The Appointment Formula
Seen in that light, Fiji’s selection process begins to look almost mathematical. Step one: invite nominations. Step two: acknowledge them. Step three: appoint individuals with closer personal and professional proximity to power.
In fairness, Fiji has always been a small society where family and professional relationships inevitably overlap. But when those relationships begin to shape the composition of a commission reviewing the nation’s Constitution, the optics become difficult to ignore.
The Final Irony
For Karavaki, the outcome must carry a certain irony.
 | The man who once raised allegations about Unaisi-Baba’s governance at FNU finds himself excluded from the constitutional review body, while the very individual he criticised now sits on it. E levu na katuba vuni era vale levu ni Kalou me rawa kina na curu - me rawati kina e dua na idabedabe ena Komisoni ni Railesuvi ni Vunau ni Matanitu. |
