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SODELPA's two top senior executives invited guest of Liberal Party during Australian elections - Sakiusa Raivoce and Pio Tabaiwalu

31/8/2013

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PIO (left) and Sakiusa (Rrght)
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SODELPA'S media statement: A New Type of Land Alienation? Indigenous Fijian Land and the Government Constitution (August 2013)

31/8/2013

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Fiji's new constitution protects Government from prosecution

31/8/2013

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Click the following link to listen: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-08-26/fijis-new-constitution-protects-government-from/4913828
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The 2013 Bainimarama/Khaiyum Constitution: the darkness and the light

30/8/2013

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Professor Wadan Narsey

The Bainimarama Regime has now released its 2013 Constitution for Fiji (2013 BKC).

While many political scientists will compare it to the aborted Ghai Draft Constitution, the more appropriate comparison should be with the 1997 Constitution which this Regime claims to have abrogated. [Recollect the 2001 judgement by Justice Anthony Gates (current Chief Justice) that constitutions cannot be so abrogated, and recollect  the 2009 Court of Appeal judgement that the Bainimarama Regime was unlawful (and so presumably is in no lawful position to hand down any constitution to us, except by force)?]

But Fiji will, as always, be pragmatic and not let a little legal nicety get in the way of getting on with our lives and putting bread on the table. (Some of course want the cake and the icing as well).

The 2013 BKC states many good governance principles for the state executive, the legislature and the judiciary, many of which unfortunately this unelected Regime has never applied to itself, these last seven years.

Unfortunately also for the long run, the good elements are negated by fatal weaknesses in the process of the making of this constitution, allegedly unchallengeable clauses on total immunity, the absence of any requirement to make past decrees consistent with the 2013 BKC, the removal of even any symbolic attempt to discourage future coups, and lack of respect for the UN Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Readers may wish to browse through my January 2013 article where I suggested (somewhat correctly in hindsight) that the Bainimarama Regime's real priorities would be revealed by examining where their eventual constitution differed from the Yash Ghai Commission Draft http://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/2013/01/14/trashing-the-ghai-constitution-the-positives-14-january-2013/.

It is sad that Fiji will painfully waste many more "nation years" in the future, revising the 2013 BKC to remove its weaknesses (Part I of this article).

Nevertheless, the 2013 BKC presents a flickering glimmer of light at the end of the tunnel with its electoral system, which may result in an elected parliament and government by September 2014, if the military referees think of the nation instead of their pockets (Part II of this article).

 Part I   The 2013 BKC in general

I will not repeat some important criticisms that other writers have already made (such as the lack of adequate separation of the executive powers from the legislature and judiciary) but, for the record, focus on obvious weaknesses in the process and key changes from the Ghai Commission Draft.

The flawed process of constitution making

The first clause of the 2013 BKC "we the people of Fiji... hereby establish this constitution for the Republic of Fiji" is blatantly false.

It is as false as the first clause of their earlier bible, The People's Charter, which stated that the 1997 Constitution would be supreme and strengthened: that promise was negated before even the ink on the Charter document had dried.

The 2013 BKC is also being imposed by the Military Regime after superficial "consultations" and will be rubber-stamped by the unelected Regime's President and then heroically "displayed" to the country by the architects.

"We the people" will not be asked to approve the 2013 BKC, either through a national referendum or by the first elected Parliament, or even by a bogus national signing exercise by which the Charter was alleged approved by the nation.

It is therefore a farce to require that any changes to the 2013 BKC must require a 75% majority in the elected Parliament, and following that, a 75% majority in a referendum.

While naive in international law and realpolitik, the 2013 BKC mocks the "will of the people" by stating that no changes at all may be made by any future elected Parliament, to the immunity provisions stipulated in this 2013 BKC.

But the icing for the Regime on this constitutional cake is that this unelected Regime may itself make any changes it wishes from now till 31 December 2013, by a Decree signed by the unelected President- just in case the architects have not thought of everything.

The immunity provisions

The immunity provisions appear to be the same as in the Ghai Draft Constitution, but while the popular view continues to be that the immunity covers the events from December 2006 coup to the September 2014 elections, the immunity significantly starts from 2000.

The 2013 BKC restates the immunity granted by Decree 18 of 2010 (Limitation of Liability for Proscribed Political Events) which covers the military, police and prisons staff  for events associated with the 2000 attempted coup and mutiny, and also, "all dialogues, discussions, correspondence between the Fiji Military Forces and the Government between September 2001 to December 2006".

The significance of this 2010 Decree may be read here:

http://narseyonfiji.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/g-who-is-responsible-for-the-coup-culture-and-how-eliminate-it.pdf

This Regime is hypocritically unconcerned that their courts are finding other national leaders and politicians guilty and sending them to jail for what at worst are minor misdemeanours, while demanding immunity for themselves for unstipulated actions, for a period of 14 years (with one year of that immunity yet to come).

What has been left out from Ghai

The Ghai Commission was stopped from drafting clauses requiring that all past Decrees be examined and revised if necessary, to make them consistent with their Draft Constitution, if there was to be any continuity  and consistency in the process of law and order in Fiji from 2006. The Ghai Draft had also recommended that cases already before the court (like the FNPF pensioners' case thrown out by a Decree) must be continued with.   The 2013 BKC stipulates that all past decrees from 2006 must continue in force.

The second exclusion is the Ghai Draft requirement that immunity not be granted for abuse of basic human rights (obvious conclusions to be drawn?).

Third, the Ghai Draft required that the Regime give way to a caretaker government six months before the 2014 elections.  Bainimarama, however, insists on continuing in office until the elections in which he will claims he will be standing, for a party yet to be declared.

This makes a clear mockery of the claim that the elections will be fair given that he has been, and will continue dispensing taxpayers' funds left right and center, shades of all the vote-buying scams this country has previously seen.

The fourth exclusion is the Ghai Draft requirement that immunity be only granted to those who took an oath renouncing their support of illegal regimes. (obvious conclusions to be drawn).

The fifth exclusion is the Ghai Draft requirement that all members of the security forces (army, police and prisons) must take an oath that they would not obey unlawful orders from their superiors.

These last two requirements no doubt reflected the Ghai Commission's legitimate concern to try to end the coup culture by explicitly discouraging the security forces from supporting future coups: military leaders cannot implement coups without their subordinates' support.

Cynics would note, of course, taking these oaths has never discouraged any of the security forces (including all our former army commanders) from supporting coups and abrogation of constitutions- as the events of 1987, 2000, 2006 and 2009 clearly prove.

The 2013 BKC does nothing to help in ending the coup culture.  Nearly all the military officers, contrary to their promise in 2006 that "no military personnel will benefit from the coup", have significantly benefited from the coup- financially, in status and power, and comfortably continue to do so, even more than in previous coups.

Some military (and civilian) Ministers are now enthusiastically declaring their willingness to stand for the 2014 elections, despite Bainimarama's  2006 pledge that none of his ministers would stand for any future elections. (yet another of his broken promises).

Attack on rights of indigenous Fijians

The UN Declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples, was verified by the General Assembly in 2007 and may be read here:

http://daccess-dds ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/512/07/PDF/N0651207.pdf?OpenElement

This declaration, while accepting the fundamental equality of all peoples, nevertheless noted that indigenous peoples the world over have suffered marginalization through colonialism, and recognized the need to respect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples affirmed in historical treaties and other constructive agreements with the state.

The UN declaration encouraged states to enhance indigenous peoples rights through consultation and co-operation with them (and not by force)

Article 5 states clearly that  indigenous people "have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions".

Just these few references suggest that the Bainimarama Regime, through the 2013 BKC and recent decrees, is forcing many changes on the Fijian people and institutions in complete contradiction of the UN Convention on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: abolishing the GCC, removing the term "Fijian" from the indigenous people's exclusive use, banning the use of Fijian names of political parties, etc.)

In the long run, such changes are futile, as the collective wishes of the indigenous Fijians will ultimately triumph, ironically helped along by the 2013 BKC electoral system (Part II of this article).

Part II      An interesting electoral system

The Bainimarama Regime has claimed that they will hold elections in September 2014, according to their electoral system, based on proportionality and "one person one vote one value".

Of course, this Military Regime has broken many promises before and they may do so again with this one, or even follow Plan B formulated by one Einstein in the Regime (no prizes for guessing who), which is to hold a bogus referendum to do away with the 2014 Election altogether.

But if free and fair elections are held, leading to a representative parliament and accountable government, it will be a major improvement on the current situation:  for seven years, Fiji has suffered a government whose practices continue to negate most of the good principles of accountability and transparency proudly stated in the 2013 BKC.

The electoral system

Although the vote counting process has not been exactly specified in the 2013 BKC, the proposed electoral system will apparently:

(a) have only one national constituency in which all candidates will stand, and each voter will choose one candidate (with or without a party), with one vote per person.

(b)  add up all the votes of candidates, aggregating those with political party attachments,

(c) elect Independents if they win at least 5% of total votes

(d) give to each Party the percentage of the 50 seats (less Independents) equal to the percentage of votes received, provided the party wins at least 5% of the total votes (which will give them at least 2 seats immediately);

(e) elect that proportional number of MPs from that Party, beginning with the person receiving the highest number of votes, and going down the list ordered by the number of votes received, till they have fulfilled that Party's quota.

The Member of Parliament with the majority support of parliament would then become Prime Minister and form government.

The weaknesses of the electoral system (if it is indeed as outlined above) will be that

(1) there will have to be one massive ballot paper, with the names and symbols of hundreds of candidates, out of which some 500 thousand voters throughout Fiji (literate and illiterate), will (look for and) tick one name;

(2) there will be no guarantee of local or regional representation of members of parliament.;

(3) there is no guarantee of reasonable representation of women, youth and other minorities (as was in the Ghai Draft Electoral system with a Closed List);

(4) If the bulk of the votes for any Party have been obtained by the "Leader" or a few candidates, then the last successful MP selected from that Party to fill the Party quota according to proportionality, may not have received any large number of votes at all- but this weakness prevails for all proportional systems based on open lists.

(5) In the light of (4) above, the minimum requirement of 5% of all votes for Independents or political parties to be elected, is grossly unfair, considering that each of the 50 seats in the parliament would on average equate to 2% of the total votes. This rule will discriminate against small parties and Independents who could be important moderating influences in Parliament.

(6) If there are small parties each obtaining less than 5% of total votes, then there will be the head-ache of "left-over" seats in Parliament, after the large parties had their preferential bite at the cherry.

[eg if Party A has 50% of votes (hence 25 seats), and Party B has 30% of votes (and hence 15 seats), while the remaining 20% of votes are split between small parties each with less than 5% of the votes who get no seats, who gets the remaining 10 seats? But there is an easy arithmetic answer to this problem: ignore all the parties with less than 5% of the votes, Ha ha ha.  So much for the equality of all voters!]

(7) There is one critical weakness in the 2013 BKC which was also in the Ghai Draft Constitution: both threw out the Multi-Party Government provision of the 1997 Constitution, which guaranteed any party with 10% of the seats in parliament (here 5 MPs), to be invited into Cabinet. 

Won't it be ironic if Bainimarama's party ends up being a large minority party, without the majority to form government? No worries: we will have another coup. Ho hum.

The mantra of "1 person-1 vote-1 value"

Will the new voting system eliminate racial voting and establish "racial equality" as the Bainimarama Regime proudly repeats at every opportunity, like a mantra?

I doubt it, and the 2013 BKC is even worse than the Ghai Draft which also tried to hide racial voting by rigging the size of the constituencies.

Instead of having 25 single member open constituencies (as most political parties and others including myself had recommended), with another 25 to ensure proportionality from Closed Lists, the Ghai Commission Draft had four Divisions as constituencies, banking on the subterfuge that the voting results would therefore not reveal any evidence of racial voting (even if there was racial voting) (my recommendations may be read here):
http://narseyonfiji.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/d-my-recommendations-for-the-electoral-system.pdf

The 2013 BKC has gone one step further to stipulate just one constituency, so even more now, no one will know by examining the results, whether there is any racial voting going on: all that observers will see, is how many votes each candidate received throughout the entire country, from all voters, not their racial origins.

But I suspect that racial voting will continue in full force, despite this Regime and umpteen grating TV advertisements calling everyone "Fijians".

The reality is that after the voting fiasco is over, Parliament will comprise whoever is voted for by the voters: 56% of whom will be indigenous Fijians, 38% Indo-Fijians, and 6% Others: the ethnic proportion of Parliament will be roughly in that proportion. (BTW: check the ethnic composition of Bainimarama's cabinet).

Despite the Bainimarama/Khaiyum mantra repeated daily that the new electoral system is going to ensure racial equality for Indo-Fijians, the reality will be that the proportions of Fijians, Indo-Fijians and Others in the next Parliament will be pretty much the same as in 2006.

One crucial difference now will be that minority parties (for example those supported by mostly Indo-Fijian voters), will no longer have an automatic right to be invited into Cabinet, as they did under the 1997 Constitution.

The Indo-Fijian supporters of Bainimarama can ponder on this interesting consequence of the 2006 coup which was alleged to be partly to protect their interests, apart from "cleaning up" the country (mind you, some have cleaned up)!

Is it a New Ball Game?

Despite the illegitimacy of the 2013 BKC and all its weaknesses,  political parties will pragmatically contest the elections with the electoral system being proposed (as did Opposition parties after the 1990 Constitution was imposed on them).

There are many fascinating national and regional political strategies that may be formulated for the 2014 elections, given the objective of obtaining the highest percentage of votes in the country, and forming a coalition government (if there are multiple parties in parliament with no one having the majority).

If the old political parties are by some Regime skulduggery stopped from competing, a completely new political party will be formed within months, and be just as successful as the old ones, as the interesting magical instantaneous replacement of the SVT by SDL in 2001, clearly shows.

There is certainly a new ball game in town, welcomed by the international community, with great relief.

But then again, as has happened over the last seven years, if the military referees think that the elections results may not be to their liking, they may move the goal-posts again, or change the rules of the game, or even scrap the game altogether.

But they can still go temporarily back to the barracks for R&R and have a welcome rest from the political war-zone and the hard work of governing the country, knowing that there is a clause in the 2013 BKC [131(2)] giving the military not only the responsibility for the defence and security of "Fiji and all Fijians", but also their "well-being",  which they can always define themselves, as they have done for the last seven years.

Note that when the military rejected the 2009 Court of Appeal judgement, they threw away the last lawful exit strategy the Fiji courts offered, remaining in control, all personally benefiting, while Fiji suffered for five years with the worst economic growth record of any Pacific nation.

It is historically inevitable, however, that some future elected Parliament will eventually get the complete support of an ethical and professional  military hierarchy that rejects treasonous coups, and the "will of the people" will confine this 2013 Bainimarama Khaiyum Constitution to the dustbin of history, just as they did the 1990 Constitution.

The tedious question for Fiji and the international observers continues: will the current military hierarchy accept or reject the 2014 elections, which is yet another peaceful exit strategy for them?


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Chopper Scam: Regime forced Fiji Development Bank to give $21million unsecured loan to Frank's rugby pal Dan Lobendahn and  accused scam artist Graeme Hedge to buy three HeliPro Fiji choppers grazing our skies 

29/8/2013

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Fiji Development Bank CEO Deve Toganivalu yet to admit or deny loan scam claims

And HeliPro Fiji & Emergency Helicopter Services Ltd owned by same individuals - so how can the two companies have gone into partnership for Government contracts?
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HeliPro Fiji Directors

Daniel Lobendahn
Peter Howard
Michael Charles Barbieri
Geoffrey Lewis Hedge
Peter Anthony Schollary
Secretary: Graham Edward Hedge

Registered: 10 August 2012
"I, Daniel Lobendahn, of 10 Fletcher Rd, Suva, do solemnly and sincerely declare that I am the person named in the Articles of Association as a director of HeliPro Fiji Ltd and that all the requirements of the Companies Act, in respect of matters precedent to the registration of the said company and incidental thereto have been complied with".
Emergency Helicopter Services Directors

Daniel Lobendahn
Peter Howard
Michael Charles Barbieri
Carl Harvie Probert
Joeli Taoi
Phillip Michael Chew

Secretary: Graham Edward Hedge
Registered: 29 November 2012
"I, Daniel Lobendahn of 10 Fletcher Rd, Suva, do solemnly and sincerely declare that I am the person named in the Articles of Association as a director of EMERGENCY HELICOPTER SERVICES LTD and that all the requirements of the Companies Act, in respect of matters precedent to the registration of the said company and incidental thereto have been complied with".

"We, the several persons whose names and addresses are subscribed, are desirous of being formed into a Company [Emergency Helicopter Services Ltd] in pursuance of this Memorandum of Association: Daniel Leslie Lobendahn, Tiresa Lobendahn, Peter Charles William Howard, Mark Komaitai Fitzalan Howard (Swimming Coach), Rebekah Margret Esiteri Mue Soko, Julian Solia Pareti, and Ratu Aca Simolo Kamavakarua Vulaidausiga, trainee engineer", 19 November 2012
Fijileaks Editor: HeliPro Fiji choppers country manager Graeme Hedge refuses to update us on status of his 2010 charge of obtaining money by false pretenses

$20,000 bail for Australian businessman
Fiji Sun, June 22, 2010 

Written By : LUSIA BRENNANl.

An Australian businessman has been charged with obtaining money by false pretense and appeared at the High Court in Suva yesterday. Graeme Hedge was finally released on a cash bail of $20,000 by Justice Sithambarampillai Thurairaja after the court found that there had been no strong objection to bail by the prosecution. Hedge was charged at the Magistrates Court and refused bail. He is alleged to have falsely duped an Indian company, Dharampal Satyapal Limited, and defrauded them of F$400,000 by falsely pretending that he could supply sandalwood to India. Hedge allegedly committed the fraud through false advertisements on the internet. While applying for bail, Hedge told the High Court he was not a flight risk, had no previous convictions, had considerable assets in Fiji and was willing to provide a suitable surety for the court. Hedge also said he had millions of dollars invested in Fiji and his wife and two children were all living in Fiji.
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SCAM IN THE SKY?: FNPF "loaned" millions to Air Pacific (Fiji Airways) to BUY new Airbus but WHY are the planes owned by Waqavuka Financing Ltd in Ireland and leased to Air Pacific/Fiji Airways?

27/8/2013

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Waqavuka Financing Limited was set up on  28th of January  2013 in Dublin
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BROUGHT TO GROUND: Evidence flies in the face of lies that Air Pacific/Fiji Airways own Airbus planes
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Nandan hails new Constitution: communal constituencies, racial profiling, colonial hierarchies, feudal patriarchy, discrimination & dispossession, inventions of traditions and institutions gone out of the window - like debris from a pirate shipwreck

26/8/2013

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LONE PIRATE: He had signed off the Ghai Constitution. Now Nandan (left) is hailing the regime's new 2013 Constitution.
By SATENDRA NANDAN
Former Constitutional Commissioner on the Ghai Commission

"The constitution provides for the development of a ‘genuine democracy’ in multi-ethnic Fiji— in the past so damagingly beset by communal constituencies, racial categorisation, colonial hierarchies, feudal patriarchy, discrimination and dispossession of many kinds, coupled with inventions of traditions and institutions to rule rather than to serve. All that’s gone out the window into the waves of the Pacific floating like the debris from a pirate shipwreck"

Fiji now has a new constitution—the fourth since independence in 1970. The final version was published on August 22, 2013. It becomes law on September 6, a day before Australia goes to poll.
The general elections based on the constitution are scheduled for not later than 30 September 2014, almost exactly a year after the Australian elections.
It’s a 98-page document—half the size of the Independent Constitution Commission’s draft presented to the President of the Republic of Fiji on December 21, 2012 by its chair Professor Yash Ghai.
Like the Ghai draft which resonated with many ideas of the 1970 and 1997 constitutions and the Peoples Charter of 2008, the new constitution is underpinned by many universal principles aimed at creating a democracy of human decency, equality of citizens and belonging to a nation with a common national identity.
Common identity
All Fiji citizens are now called Fijians for the first time in a Fiji constitution, irrespective of their origin, colour, creed, gender or religious beliefs.
Fiji has fewer than a million people, more than half of them will be eligible to vote, the voting age has been reduced to 18 years from 21. There’s no compulsory voting but the young have the potential to influence the outcome of an election.
The constitution provides for the development of a ‘genuine democracy’ in multi-ethnic Fiji— in the past so damagingly beset by communal constituencies, racial categorisation, colonial hierarchies , feudal patriarchy, discrimination and dispossession of many kinds, coupled with inventions of traditions and institutions to rule rather than to serve. All that’s gone out the window into the waves of the Pacific floating like the debris from a pirate shipwreck.
Better place
Fiji will be a better and fairer society for all that. And this constitution provides several windows of opportunity for the future.
One person, one vote, one value becomes a reality in Fiji for the first time in its history. This alone makes democracy a masterpiece of human ingenuity.
This fundamental change can and will bring about sea-changes in the nation’s consciousness and conscience.
Fiji now allows dual and multiple citizenships and Fiji citizens living abroad can cast their votes in the next election. These are likely to be people who were forced to leave Fiji after the three brutal coups, two in 1987, one in 2000.
They never gave up their Fiji citizenship nor their affections for the country of their birth. The roots go deeper despite the many routes they chose under anguished circumstances of cheated hopes.
A common name and a national identity is the most challenging imperative of many post-colonial polities. Fiji has taken this immensely desirable and forward-looking step in its constitution.
Those who used race, religion, ethnicity, communalism and privileges will find it hard to survive in the new political arrangements delineated in this constitution.
In the last elected government Fiji had a Leader of the Opposition with one other member of his party and he himself had won his seat by a mere thousand votes. Such farcical situations now belong to the past.
There are no special reserved seats for anyone—if you wish to play the leadership game, your legitimacy will be derived from the will of the electorate. An “Indian “ vote is equal to the “chief’s”, if you believed in chiefs and Indians!
Daring innovation
The Parliament will have 50 Members of Parliament elected from a single national constituency – a daring electoral innovation for Fiji. The elected Parliament will be the supreme body for legislation and governance.
The President elected by the Parliament is also the Commander in Chief of the Fiji Military Forces.
The constitution provides a genuinely strong position for the Leader of the Opposition to be respected as the alternative Prime Minister of the nation.
Governments are formed and governments fall by the power of the ballot box. One hopes no more by guns—although no constitution can guarantee that—think of the many countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, America and Arabia on their journey towards democracy.
Land protection
In Fiji almost 90 per cent of the land is owned communally by the indigenous citizens, including islands by the Banabans and the Rotumans.
Their lands are fully protected in this constitution—the racist politicians , masquerading as nationalists, will not get much traction by arousing false fear in the minds of the communal landowners that their land-ownership is under threat. It’s never been except before the Deed of Cession in 1874.
This issue has been used in the three coups and the last Government created refugees within Fiji—mainly thousands of farmers and labourers evicted from their leased land which today lie fallow. Land has been used to create the psychology of fear as we do here about asylum-seekers.
This constitution jettisons all this overboard. And has defined the ownership of iTaukei (new name for indigenous inhabitants) land unequivocally and categorically on the first page of this historic document.
The basic principles on which a pluralistic, democratic society can be structured in Fiji are clearly and carefully enunciated. They provide the necessary vision but for any functioning democracy you need a clear eyesight, too.
And here the real challenges need thoughtful scrutiny and preparation for regaining the trust of people in public interest: how to give form, shape and substance to these ideals and ideas through the creation of lawful, responsive and responsible institutions. And these will be only as good as the individuals who run them from public funds and the laws governing their conduct in office.
FICAC, Fiji’s Independent Commission Against Corruption, has been an effective deterrent and doubtless will be strengthened with the vital role of a free media.
NGO growth
How can the institutions and individuals contribute to the growth of democratic structures as distinct from a false search for the politics of cultural identity that often limits human freedom?
This will require energy, imagination and empathy. Over the years Fiji has built a strong culture of NGOs with international support. They can continue to contribute critically, creatively and constructively with assistance from their energetic and articulate constituencies.
Fiji now has two major universities: the University of the South Pacific—a regional institution of global significance, almost 50 years old, and the Fiji National university, barely five years old.
These two institutions are producing many graduates and diplomats, retraining civil servants of high quality in almost every important field of endeavour required in a developing society.
The present government has invested generously in the education of its young people. This is bound to make a difference to the service the educated young can provide in their chosen professions.
Education has been the real revolution of Fiji and within a generation it can be the most educated society of the Pacific. The opportunities off the land are now more varied and the empowered youth see a life full of new possibilities.
Social justice has become part of the Fiji’s political lexicon and the constitution rightly gives emphasis to economic development, employment and initiatives in tourism, international services in business and economic enterprises, among others.
Learning languages
The teaching of three languages is another move in the right direction with English as the global language of communication, business, education and regional and international co-operation.
The fact that citizens of PNG and Fiji can travel to each other’s country without a visa is a telling lesson to other Pacific countries. Let’s hope others will follow suit in opening their borders rather than sending asylum- seekers to Nauru and buying fishy boats from Indonesian fish folks.
The myth of ‘the arc of instability’ should be abandoned just as the idea of a fig leaf of democracy for Fiji. Even Bainimarama’s most relentless opponents admit that he has changed the electoral contours of Fiji: in fact he has wrought a quiet revolution in Fiji’s political evolution towards a mature democracy.
Fair elections
Nevertheless for the political stability of the nation-state the most important issue will be the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in September 2014.
Fiji has exactly a year to prepare for it. How the present government goes about it will determine both the legitimacy of the future elected government and restore the faith of the people in the democratic process.
These are huge challenges but not beyond the imaginative grasp of the people, or the political will of the nation. The practical and fair processes by which the Fijian people can participate with vigour and commitment towards the coming elections will go a long way in determining Fiji’s radiant future despite the coups since independence in 1987.
The Bainimarama government’s greatest and most enduring achievement will be to make the voice and the vote of the people of Fiji integral to the vision enshrined in the new constitution.
In Fiji there will be serious scrutiny and debate of the more controversial provisions in the constitution. More tragically, however, there could be opposition to the more enlightened features embodied in the constitution so deeply meaningful to the new millennium goals for Fiji.
The constitution is fundamentally wholesome; the flaws are in certain provisions that can be manipulated by unscrupulous politicians and colonels.
2018 test
The real test of its validity and value may become clearer not so much in 2014 elections but in the elections of 2018.
The perseverance and determination against overwhelming odds shown so far must now work towards accommodation and reconciliation that is inclusive, internationally respected and nationally accepted by the people in Fiji.
Commodore Frank Bainimarama seems to have achieved his constitutional vision by the subtle force of arms; now he’ll have to win the hearts and minds of the people through arguments, patience and persuasion. Changing the rules of the game is one thing: to win the game itself he will require more resilient strategies and meaningful coalitions.
Fiji can contribute most creatively to the political future of the South Pacific, not only because of its suffering but more significantly its unique and plural social structures and daily human interaction and living together.
Where else will you find just across the an international airport on Constitution Avenue a church, a temple and a mosque co-existing in a region increasingly afflicted by a terrified consciousness.
Nadi International Airport has this extraordinary heritage. And Fiji can truly become another word for hope despite its wounded history.
The preamble to the new constitution is worth quoting in full:
We, the people of FIJI,

  • Recognising the indigenous people or the iTaukei, their ownership of iTaukei lands, their unique culture, customs, traditions and language;
  • Recognising the indigenous people or the Rotuman from the island of Rotuma, their ownership of Rotuman lands, their unique culture, customs, traditions and language;
  • Recognising the descendants of indentured labourers from British India and the Pacific Islands, their unique culture, customs, traditions, and language; and
  • Recognising the descendants of the immigrants and settlers to Fiji, their culture, customs traditions and language,
  • Declare that we are all Fijians united by common and equal citizenry;
  • Recognise the constitution as the supreme law of our country that provides the framework for the conduct of government and all Fijians;
  • Commit ourselves to the recognition and protection of human rights, and respect for human dignity;
  • Declare our commitment to justice, national sovereignty and security, social and economic wellbeing, and safeguarding our environment;
HEREBY ESTABLISH THIS CONSTITUTION FOR THE REPUBLIC OF FIJI.

Source: The Fiji Sun

8 Comments

Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum unveils new Constitution for Fiji before elections; President Ratu Nailatikau will rubber-stamp his assent on September 6 

22/8/2013

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_PREAMBLE
WE, THE PEOPLE OF FIJI,
RECOGNISING the indigenous people or the iTaukei, their ownership of iTaukei lands, their unique culture,
customs, traditions and language;
RECOGNISING the indigenous people or the Rotuman from the island of Rotuma, their ownership of Rotuman
lands, their unique culture, customs, traditions and language;
RECOGNISING the descendants of the indentured labourers from British India and the Pacific Islands, their
culture, customs, traditions and language; and
RECOGNISING the descendants of the immigrants and settlers to Fiji, their culture, customs, traditions and
language,
DECLARE that we are all Fijians united by common and equal citizenry;
RECOGNISE the Constitution as the supreme law of our country that provides the framework for the conduct of
Government and all Fijians;
COMMIT ourselves to the recognition and protection of human rights, and respect for human dignity;
DECLARE our commitment to justice, national sovereignty and security, social and economic well-being, and
safeguarding our environment;
HEREBY ESTABLISH THIS CONSTITUTION FOR THE REPUBLIC OF FIJI.

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The Fijian Version
The Fiji Hindi Version
The English Version
_CHAPTER 10—IMMUNITY
Immunity granted under the 1990 Constitution continues
155. Notwithstanding the abrogation of the Constitution Amendment Act 1997 and despite the repeal of
the Constitution of the Sovereign Democratic Republic of Fiji (Promulgation) Decree 1990, Chapter XIV of the
Constitution of 1990 continues in force in accordance with its tenor, and the immunity granted in Chapter XIV of the Constitution of 1990 shall continue.
Immunity granted under the Limitation of Liability for Prescribed Political Events Decree 2010 continues
156.—(1) The immunities granted to prescribed persons for prescribed political events under the Limitation of
Liability for Prescribed Political Events Decree 2010 shall continue in existence.
(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, the Limitation of Liability for Prescribed Political
Events Decree 2010 shall, in its entirety, continue in existence and shall not be reviewed, amended, altered, repealed or revoked by Parliament.
Further immunity
157. Absolute and unconditional immunity is irrevocably granted to any person (whether in their official or
personal or individual capacity) holding the office of, or holding the office in, as the case may be--
(a) the President;
(b) Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers;
(c) Republic of Fiji Military Forces;
(d) Fiji Police Force;
(e) Fiji Corrections Service;
(f) Judiciary;
(g) public service; and
(h) any public office,
from any criminal prosecution and from any civil or other liability in any court, tribunal or commission, in
any proceeding including any legal, military, disciplinary or professional proceedings and from any order or
judgment of any court, tribunal or commission, as a result of any direct or indirect participation, appointment
or involvement in the Government from 5 December 2006 to the date of the first sitting of the first Parliament
elected after the commencement of this Constitution; provided however any such immunity shall not apply to
any act or omission that constitutes an offence under sections 133 to 146, 148 to 236, 288 to 351, 356 to 361, 364 to 374, and 377 to 386 of the Crimes Decree 2009 (as prescribed in the Crimes Decree 2009 at the date of the commencement of this Constitution).
Immunity entrenched
158.—(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, this Chapter and any immunity granted or
continued in this Chapter shall not be reviewed, amended, altered, repealed or revoked.
(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no court or tribunal shall have the jurisdiction to
accept, hear or make any decision or order with respect to any challenge against the provisions of this Chapter and any immunity granted or continued in this Chapter.
(3) No compensation shall be payable by the State to any person in respect of damage, injury or loss to his or
her property or person caused by or consequent upon any conduct from which immunity has been granted under this section.
_The Republic of Fiji
1. The Republic of Fiji is a sovereign democratic State founded on the values of--
(a) common and equal citizenry and national unity;
(b) respect for human rights, freedom and the rule of law;
(c) an independent, impartial, competent and accessible system of justice;
(d) equality for all and care for the less fortunate based on the values inherent in this section and in the Bill
of Rights contained in Chapter 2;
(e) human dignity, respect for the individual, personal integrity and responsibility, civic involvement and mutual support;
(f) good governance, including the limitation and separation of powers and other forms of checks and balances;
(g) transparency and accountability; and
(h) a prudent, efficient and sustainable relationship with nature.
Supremacy of the Constitution
2.—(1) This Constitution is the supreme law of the State.
Principles of constitutional interpretation
3.—(1) Any person interpreting or applying this Constitution must promote the spirit, purpose and objects of this Constitution as a whole, and the values that underlie a democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.
Secular State
4.—(1) Religious liberty, as recognised in the Bill of Rights, is a founding principle of the State.
Citizenship
5.—(1) All citizens of Fiji shall be known as Fijians...Citizens of Fiji may hold multiple citizenship...a former citizen of Fiji, who lost that citizenship upon acquiring foreign citizenship, may regain
citizenship of Fiji, while retaining that foreign citizenship unless the laws of that foreign country
provide otherwise
CHAPTER 2—BILL OF RIGHTS
Application
6.—(1) This Chapter binds the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government at all levels, and
every person performing the functions of any public office.
Freedom of speech, expression and publication
17.—(1) Every person has the right to freedom of speech, expression, thought, opinion and publication
Freedom of assembly
18.—(1) Every person has the right, peaceably and unarmed, to assemble, demonstrate, picket and to present
petitions.
(2) To the extent that it is necessary, a law may limit, or may authorise the limitation of, the right mentioned in
subsection (1)--
(a) in the interests of national security, public safety, public order, public morality, public health or the orderly conduct of elections;
Freedom of movement and residence
21.—(1) Every person has the right to freedom of movement.
Political rights
23.—(1) Every citizen has the freedom to make political choices, and the right--
(a) to form or join a political party;
(b) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a political party; and
(c) to campaign for a political party, candidate or cause.
(2) Every citizen has the right to free, fair and regular elections for any elective institution or office established under this Constitution.
Every citizen who has reached the age of 18 years has the right--
(a) to be registered as a voter;
(b) to vote by secret ballot in any election or referendum under this Constitution;
(c) to be a candidate for public office, or office within a political party of which the citizen is a member,
subject to satisfying any qualifications for such an office; and
(d) if elected, to hold office.
Protection of iTaukei, Rotuman and Banaban lands
28.—(1) The ownership of all iTaukei land shall remain with the customary owners of that land and iTaukei land
shall not be permanently alienated, whether by sale, grant, transfer or exchange, except to the State in accordance
with section 27.
(2) Any iTaukei land acquired by the State for a public purpose after the commencement of this Constitution
under section 27 or under any written law shall revert to the customary owners if the land is no longer required by
the State.
(3) The ownership of all Rotuman land shall remain with the customary owners of that land and Rotuman land
shall not be permanently alienated, whether by sale, grant, transfer or exchange, except to the State in accordance
with section 27.
(4) Any Rotuman land acquired by the State for a public purpose after the commencement of this Constitution under section 27 or under any written law shall revert to the customary owners if the land is no longer required by
the State.
(5) The ownership of all Banaban land shall remain with the customary owners of that land and Banaban land
shall not be permanently alienated, whether by sale, grant, transfer or exchange, except to the State in accordancewith section 27.
(6) Any Banaban land acquired by the State for a public purpose after the commencement of this Constitution under section 27 or under any written law shall revert to the customary owners if the land is no longer required by
the State.
Right to education
Conversational and contemporary iTaukei and Fiji Hindi languages shall be taught as compulsory subjects
in all primary schools.
__CHAPTER 3—PARLIAMENT
LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY
Legislative authority and power of Parliament
46.—(1) The authority and power to make laws for the State is vested in Parliament consisting of the members
of Parliament and the President, and is exercised through the enactment of Bills passed by Parliament and assented
to by the President.
(2) No person or body other than Parliament has authority to make any law in Fiji, except under authority conferred by this Constitution or by a written law.
Part B—COMPOSITION
Members of Parliament
52. The members of Parliament shall be chosen by secret ballot in free and fair elections administered by the Electoral Commission, in accordance with this Constitution and any written law governing elections.
Proportional representation system
53.—(1) The election of members of Parliament is by a multi-member open list system of proportional representation, under which each voter has one vote, with each vote being of equal value, in a single national
electoral roll comprising all the registered voters.
(2) Subject to subsections (3) and (4), in each election of members of Parliament, the seats in Parliament must
be awarded to candidates in proportion to--
(a) the total number of votes cast for each political party contesting the election, which shall be determined by totalling the number of votes cast for each candidate of that political party; and
(b) the total number of votes cast for each independent candidate, if any, provided however that an
independent candidate shall only be eligible to be awarded one seat in Parliament.
(3) A political party or an independent candidate shall not qualify for any seat in Parliament unless the political party or the independent candidate receives at least 5% of the total number of votes cast.
(4) A written law shall make provisions relating to election of members of Parliament, including prescribing rules for awarding seats in Parliament under subsection (2), that accord with an internationally accepted method for awarding seats to candidates within an open list system of proportional representation.
(2) For each election of members of Parliament after the first election held under this Constitution, the Electoral
Commission shall, at least 1 year before any such election, review the composition of Parliament and may, if
necessary, increase or decrease the total number of members in Parliament to ensure that, as far as practicable, at the
date of any such review, the ratio of the number of members in Parliament to the population of Fiji is the same as the ratio of the number of members in Parliament to the population of Fiji at the date of the first election held under this Constitution.
Term of Parliament
58.—(1) Subject to this section, Parliament, unless sooner dissolved in accordance with this Constitution, continues for 4 years from the date of its first meeting after an election of the members of Parliament.
(2) The President may, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, from time to time in the like manner prorogue Parliament by proclamation.
(3) The President may, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, dissolve Parliament by proclamation, but only after a lapse of 3 years and 6 months from the date of its first meeting after an election of the members of Parliament.
Supervisor of Elections
76.—(1) The Office of Supervisor of Elections established under the State Services Decree 2009 continues in existence.
Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Parliament
77.—(1) At its first sitting after an election, and whenever required to fill a vacancy, Parliament must elect, by
simple majority vote--
(a) a Speaker, who is not a member of Parliament but who is qualified to be a candidate for election as a member of Parliament; and
(b) a Deputy Speaker from amongst the members of Parliament (excluding Ministers).
Leader of the Opposition
78.—(1) The members of Parliament who--
(a) do not belong to the Prime Minister’s political party and are members of the opposition party or a coalition of opposition parties;
(b) do not belong to any party which is in coalition with, or which supports, the Prime Minister’s political party; or
(c) are independent candidates who do not support the Prime Minister or the Prime Minister’s political party, must elect a person from among themselves to be the Leader of the Opposition, in accordance with this section.
Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption
115.—(1) The Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption established by the Fiji Independent
Commission Against Corruption Promulgation 2007 continues in existence
Independent Legal Services Commission
114.—(1) The Independent Legal Services Commission established by the Legal Practitioners Decree 2009 continues in existence.
Fiji Police Force
(2) The Office of the Commissioner of Police established under the State Services Decree 2009 continues inexistence.
(3) The Fiji Police Force is under the command of the Commissioner of Police.
(4) The Commissioner of Police is appointed by the President, on the advice of the Constitutional Offices Commission following consultation with the Minister responsible for the Fiji Police Force.

The 2013 Constitution
_Appointment of Prime Minister
93.—(1) The Prime Minister must be a member of Parliament.
(2) After the elections, the member elected to Parliament who is the leader of one political party which has won more than 50% of the total number of seats in Parliament assumes office as the Prime Minister by taking before the President the oath or affirmation of allegiance and office (which the President must administer) as set out in the Schedule.
(3) After the elections, if no one political party has won more than 50% of the total number of seats in Parliament, then, at the first sitting of Parliament, the Speaker must call for nominations from members of Parliament and, if only one person is nominated and seconded, then that person assumes office as the Prime Minister by taking before the President the oath or affirmation of allegiance and office (which the President must administer) as set out in the Schedule; but if more than one person is nominated and seconded, the Speaker must conduct a vote, as follows--
(a) if after the first vote, a person who is nominated has the support of more than 50% of the members of Parliament, then that person assumes office as the Prime Minister by taking before the President the oath or affirmation of allegiance and office (which the President must administer) as set out in the
Schedule;
(b) if after the first vote, no person who is nominated receives the support of more than 50% of the members
of Parliament, a second vote must be held within 24 hours of the first vote and, if after the second vote, a person who is nominated has the support of more than 50% of the members of Parliament, then that person assumes office as the Prime Minister by taking before the President the oath or affirmation of allegiance and office (which the President must administer) as set out in the Schedule;
(c) if after the second vote, no person who is nominated receives the support of more than 50% of the members of Parliament, a third vote must be held within 24 hours of the second vote and, if after the third vote, a person who is nominated has the support of more than 50% of the members of Parliament, then that person assumes office as the Prime Minister by taking before the President the oath oraffirmation of allegiance and office (which the President must administer) as set out in the Schedule;
and
(d) if after the third vote, no person receives the support of more than 50% of the members of Parliament, the Speaker shall notify the President in writing of the inability of Parliament to appoint a Prime Minister, and the President shall, within 24 hours of the notification,
Attorney-General
96.—(1) The Minister appointed as the Attorney-General is the chief legal adviser to the Government.
(2) A person is not qualified to be appointed as Attorney-General unless he or she--
(a) is admitted as a legal practitioner in Fiji and has had not less than 15 years post-admission practice as
a legal practitioner in Fiji; and
(b) has not been found guilty of any disciplinary proceeding involving legal practitioners whether in Fiji or
abroad, including any proceeding by the Independent Legal Services Commission or any proceeding
under the law governing legal practitioners, barristers and solicitors prior to the establishment of the
Independent Legal Services Commission.
Republic of Fiji Military Forces
131.—(1) The Republic of Fiji Military Forces established under the State Services Decree 2009 continues in existence.
(2) It shall be the overall responsibility of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces to ensure at all times the security, defence and well-being of Fiji and all Fijians.
Appointment of President
84.—(1) The President shall be appointed by Parliament in accordance with this sectionby Parliament in accordance with this section.
(2) Whenever a vacancy arises in the Office of the President, the Prime Minister and the Leader of the
Opposition shall nominate one name each to the Speaker who shall put both the names to the floor of Parliament for voting by the members of Parliament.
(3) The person who receives the support of the majority of the members of Parliament present shall be appointed as President, and the Speaker shall publicly announce the name of the President.
(4) In the event that both persons nominated receive the same number of votes, the Speaker shall conduct the
voting again after 24 hours, and voting shall continue until such time a person nominated as President receives the
support of the majority of the members of Parliament; provided however that if after three rounds of voting, no
person receives the support of the majority of the members of Parliament, then the person nominated by the Prime
Minister shall be announced by the Speaker as being appointed as President by Parliament.
(5) If the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition nominate the same person, then no voting shall take
place and the Speaker shall publicly announce that person as being appointed as President by Parliament.
Term of office and remuneration
85.—(1) The President holds office for 3 years, and is eligible for re-appointment for one further term of 3 years, but is not eligible for re-appointment after that.

9 Comments

UFDF shuns invitation to witness the launching of new Constitution 2013

21/8/2013

3 Comments

 
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_ STATEMENT

[No 13/2013]

[Wednesday August 21, 2013]

  The UFDF today announced that its members who received invitations to attend the AG’s briefing tomorrow on the regimes constitution would not be attending on the grounds that the process lacks credibility, it will be nothing more than a lecture by the AG on the vernacular with no opportunity for political parties and other interest groups and the people of Fiji to discuss or debate the document before being imposed.

Without the full participation and approval of the people, the regimes constitution will have no legitimacy says UFDF and allowing just 2 weeks from Thursday to distribute the document to all of the people and entertain only comments on the vernacular and not the constitution, makes it self-evident that the intention of the regime is self serving and this constitution will create even greater divisions and stress in our society.

The leaders of the UFDF are meeting this week to complete their own roadmap to democracy which will be published.  This will be the path we will follow says the UFDF and every citizen who values and respects the rule of law and seeks to return Fiji to a truly inclusive, transparent, accountable and legitimate  democracy should give full support to the UFDF’s Roadmap

  The UFDF stresses that the President has no legal mandate to assent to the regime's so-called constitution and without the full participation of the people in the preparation and finalization of the constitution, the regimes document will never be representative of the views and aspirations of the people of Fiji and its planed imposition on the people will never be accepted nor will it have any legitimacy.

  Authorized by    :           UFDF

3 Comments

Eulogy to the late Tui Ba Ratu Sairusi Nagagavoka: “His life was gentle and the elements so mixed in him that Nature might stand up and say to the world, "This was a Man"    

15/8/2013

14 Comments

 
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Delivered by
FLP leader
Mahendra  Chaudhry

We are gathered here this morning, not to mourn, but to celebrate the life of an exemplary person – a leader, High Chief, a man who inspired and led not through fear and  force, but through his ultimate humility, his humanity, and the quiet strength of his personality.

So much so that I am reminded of the words of Shakespeare:

                      “His life was gentle and
                       the elements so mixed in him that
                       Nature might stand up
                       and say to all the world,
                       “This was a Man”.    

I am indeed, honoured and truly humbled, to be invited to share my thoughts on the life of this man who was held in such high esteem by not only the people of Ba but all those who came in contact with the late Tui Ba, Ratu Sairusi Nagagavoka.

Although a chief of paramount rank, Ratu Sairusi stood not on ceremony – he was a sincere, humble, generous person who mixed easily with people from all walks of life – a true peoples’ man in close touch with everyone in his vanua, of whatever race.

My own close contact with the late Tui Ba dates back two decades to the start of my active advent into politics. In 1987, 1999, 2000 whenever we campaigned in the Ba area, we would pay a courtesy visit to the Tui Ba in Sorokoba Village.  

Sitting around the grog bowl or over a cup of tea, he would hold long conversations with us discussing the problems of the common people, exchanging views on developmental, social and economic issues.

I came to respect his views, and his genuine feelings for the welfare of his people and the nation. The Tui Ba was truly committed to multiracialism and believed that the prosperity of the nation depended on all its people, of all races, living and working together in harmony.

This belief was reflected in his land policies. The cane farmers of Ba are beholden to him for his liberal views and his generosity in making land easily available for commercial farming.

He was, of course, fully aware that Ba’s economy was sugar-driven, that cane farming was the dominant economic activity of his vanua and as such, the well-being of cane farmers was important.

He stands today as the symbol of unity for Ba which has long been renowned for its racial tolerance and assimilation, despite the political turbulence that has marred race relations in other parts of our country.

Much of the credit for this goes to Ratu Sairusi and before him, to his brother the late Ratu Marika Latianara, both of whom enjoyed close relationships with the Indian community in Ba.

Ratu Sairusi himself grew up among Indians and spoke fluent Hindi. I have just a working knowledge of the Fijian language, so my own conversations with him were always in Hindi, not in English.

He regarded me as a son, affectionately calling me ‘Beta’ in Hindi and for me Ratu Sairusi was a father-figure. I always took his blessings before taking any major political steps.

I remember how elated he was when the Peoples Coalition Government romped into power following the 1999 general elections. If you remember PANU was one of our coalition partners at the time. The Tui Ba was the President of PANU.              
         
He was equally sad when we were deposed in the 2000 coup, and a pillar of strength to us in the early traumatic days of the coup.  I shall always remember with deep gratitude his concern for my family at the time.

His wife, Bulou Suguta Soweri, and family members came and stayed several days at our home in Suva Point.


Picture“His life was gentle and the elements so mixed in him that Nature might stand up and say to all the world, “This was a Man”.

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They slept on the floor in the lounge, refusing to accept beds – offering us comfort, consolation and protection at a time when we were most vulnerable. Such was the measure of the man and his closeness to me and my family.   

As a member of the GCC, Ratu Sairusi made his mark as a voice of sanity and rationality during its deliberations on issues of national concern. His contributions were always balanced, upholding democratic values.

With his departure today, we have lost a man of remarkable leadership qualities, a chief who in his own little sphere of influence   measured up to the stature of Ratu Sir Kamisese with his belief in racial and cultural tolerance .


The two were, of course, contemporaries and grew up together on the chiefly island of Lakeba where, no doubt, qualities of leadership were ingrained into them.

That brings me back to the observation I made in the beginning – the Tui Ba was a leader who inspired and led not through the force of fear or his chiefly status, but through his quiet courage, his deep interest in the welfare of his people and his belief in the fundamental values of humanity.   

This was a man we can all learn to emulate. He taught us that chiefly leadership and traditional values can still play a positive and beneficial role in the development of modern Fiji.

I myself have benefitted much from my contacts and relationship with the late Tui Ba. Indeed, I believe we can all take lessons from him in benevolent leadership and our dealings with our people.


I have always thought of him as “a man of all seasons”. He lived life to the fullest, enjoying all its pleasures, lived to a robust 93 without any serious health worries - long enough to enjoy having eight children and 31 grand-children and 14 great-grand-children.  

Ba will indeed miss him. He will long be remembered as Tui Ba – the Father of the vanua of Ba, the symbol of its unity and racial harmony.

I share deeply in their loss and offer my condolences and sympathies to the wife and family of the late Tui Ba and to the people of Ba.

May his soul rest in peace.

Vinaka va’levu
14 Comments
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