A VOTE FOR BIMAN PRASAD IS A VOTE FOR RABUKA TO BECOME PM.
FOR the Lamusona (fearing a repeat of 1987, 2000 and 2006 Coups), has signed a GIRMIT with the PAAPIS to only become Deputy Prime Minister in a PAP-NFP Coalition government. A Vote For HIM is a WASTED VOTE
But remember what this ARKARTI was telling us the last time:
VOTERS, DO NOT VOTE FOR COUPISTS
SEXUAL HARASSMENT CHARGES: Biman Prasad, MAN UP, and step aside as NFP leader until you are cleared of the criminal charges
FIJI MUST NOT BECOME INDIA:
Over 40 percent of India's MPs face criminal charges including rape – according to a 25 May 2019 study.
At least 233 of the 543 members named as winning seats had faced criminal proceedings – some as serious as rape, murder, and terrorism – said a non-profit Association of Democratic Reforms.
NOVEMBER 15, 2022: The NFP leader must be remanded in CUSTODY.
He cannot be let loose on the VOTERS to campaign for Sitiveni Rabuka to become Prime Minister. Prasad is facing two counts of allegedly sexually harassing Japanese 'Sita', Mrs Ari Taniguchi, in NFP head office
* We may recall that in May 2006, on his landing at Nadi from India, Rabuka was arrested and charged with two counts of inciting the 2 November 2000 Mutiny. He pleaded not guilty.
* On 6 September 2006 Rabuka had been refused permission to travel to Papua New Guinea for a golf tournament. Judge Gerard Winter ruled that the charges against Rabuka were serious and that he must not be allowed to abscond.
* Permission to leave Fiji would therefore be granted for medical emergencies only; the golf tournament did not qualify, he declared.
* On 11 December 2006, Rabuka was found not guilty on two counts of inciting a mutiny. Justice Winter cast a deciding vote after the panel of assessors was split.
* After his acquittal, Rabuka had declared he was retiring from POLITICS
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Lest we forget
Many today have forgotten our past, whilst some have even purposefully erased it, hoping that what they did or were responsible for doesn’t catch up with them sooner or later.
What we cannot undo, could however be rewritten to help provide us today with a safer route for our life’s journey into the future. To solve our problems of the future, we must become its solutions of today.
Our lives are made up of very critical moments or what many refer to as life’s sign posts where very huge life changing impacts, affect our perception and sense of meaning towards life itself.
In April of 1996, I personally watched, in one of the most tragic moments in my life, the horrors of war in South Lebanon, the Qana massacre, where hundreds of innocent men, women and children became an unfortunate and tragic collateral of war.
Witnessing it firsthand, the horror and sights of dismembered bodies, the strong smell of iron from burning bodies and sounds of grief, despair and anger for the loss of innocent lives.
Occasional triggers bring back images and vivid memories of that tragic day, describing what man is capable of during war and conflict, where power, lust and greed become more important than ones very own sense of humanity.
Overcoming such flashbacks have never been easy, but they have provided me with a more cautious approach towards life itself
Lead up to the mutiny
Twenty-one years ago today, another very personal signpost flashes prominently – linked to tragedy, conflict, death and greed, all caught up on this particular day.
Brought about by selfish aspirations of greedy and power-hungry individuals and opportunists, determined to create disunity and chaos in the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) and force the country into the brink of civil war and total disaster.
I was a young captain – working in our intelligence unit, analysing the implications of the current events as a result of the 2000 coup, the involvement of the CRW unit, their rehabilitation process to reintegrate back into the RFMF and the then political climate.
Months before the 2nd November mutiny, we had already assessed and briefed the RFMF leadership of a highly likely move to remove the current commander, Commodore Bainimarama at the time by rogue elements within the RFMF. We however could not confirm an actual time and day for the mutiny.
Whilst the RFMF loyalists were implementing its plan of re-integrating these rogue elements under a plan named ‘Prodigal Son’, certain disgruntled elements within the RFMF, under constant covert surveillance, were working in a counter plan named ‘Moses’ that included the moving of arms caches and personnel and organising pocket meetings with civilians in what was being assessed as the preconditions building towards the 2nd November mutiny.
This was also followed by the constant approaches from some senior elements, then within the RFMF, to downgrade our assessments that could influence changes with the protective levels of personnel security shadowing the Commander at that time.
The mutineers strike
The unfortunate events of the day began after mid-day, together with a fellow officer; we were working on preparing an intelligence briefing for the Commander, highlighting intelligence indications of a possible palace coup within the RFMF.
The indicators coming from our sources were consistent and increasing daily.
Approximately after midday, gunfire in the direction of the 3FIR complex broke the normalcy of the day. Another sound of gunfire and shouts were a lot closer outside our complex with sounds of boots running along the corridors.
The consistent pattern of controlled gunfire, sound of boots and shouting was immediately recognised as house clearing drills used in operations conducted whilst Fighting in Built Up Areas (FIBUA Ops).
As the synchronised sounds of gunfire, boots and shouting came closer, I shouted in a loud voice, declaring we were two unarmed persons in the office.
The door burst open followed by a pair of focused and determined killer eyes behind the sights and aperture of an automatic weapon.
Sweat was pouring down his face as he ordered us to the floor, followed by the order that we crawl outside onto the corridor leading to the RFMF National Operations Centre (NOC). Our hands are immediately bounded, and we are taken and held as hostages in the NOC.
For the duration of the events that unfolded on this very tragic day, the NOC became a strategic vantage point for me as I listen to the ongoing conversations confidently being discussed as the next order of operations was issued by the hostage takers.
A realisation of great uncertainty and fear settled in as the unfolding plans and intentions of these rogue elements were confidentially discussed openly over telephone calls with the details of bringing in prominent former RFMF individuals and busloads of civilians into the camp to be armed immediately.
Their intent was to create armed groups, that would be sent out later to arrest and apprehend all remaining RFMF loyalist officers, force a change in leadership to the extent of bringing the RFMF and the nation to its knees, to succumb to their selfish and power-hungry desires.
However, from the beginning of that fateful day, the order to eliminate the Commander and RFMF hostages, arm the busloads of civilians and handover control to very prominent ex-RFMF individuals was continuously short lived through the intervening hands of providence.
The situations changed strategically to the favour of the RFMF, as critical threat conditions were not achieved. One by one, each threat condition was systematically mitigated and placed under strict control; the RFMF re-established a firm base to re-gain the initiative and reaffirm control over the threatening situation.
Lessons learned
If there was a great lesson to be learnt by those who wanted to act in defiance, the rogue elements were only trained to hold ground for a short period.
Their role was nev that decisive battle, dow of opportunity about winning but exploit a winthat could provide that opportunity for a more consistent and self-sustaining capability to exploit. Their failure was the thought that they were capable enough to move from a hit-andrun role to a stand, fight and hold ground role.
Time was never on their side; however, it was a critical enabler for the RFMF loyal troops because it provided them with the ability to regenerate its strength and fighting power to a more determined level of capability to retake QEB.
As the hostage takers began to lose the initiative, the plans to re-take QEB by RFMF loyalist troops was executed. Sounds of advancing gunfire and high explosions became more co-ordinated and systematic.
The rogue elements began to disappear. The situation became more complicated as it transitioned into a phase of deep unknown.
Loyalist troops fought and took back QEB inch by inch, clarity of identifying the forces at play and the hostage from its capturers at this point was critical as those sitting on the fence began to jump at the opportunity of being loyalists again.
The officer ordered to execute us, threw his pistol under the bench as the situation and control changed to the hands of loyalist troops.
As the assault commenced with loud explosions and automatic gunfire, the order for us was to look for cover and protect ourselves until the loyalists clearing teams cleared the area. For almost two minutes heavy explosions rocked the camp.
There were seven of us held as hostages in an office adjacent to the NOC. We all huddled at the furthest corner of the office, hoping and praying that the heavy explosions would not be aimed directly into the building we were being held in.
The heavy explosions began to sound very close for some time and then faded further away as the next wave of automatic gunfire approached again in the systematic rhythm familiar to house clearing drills in FIBUA.
As it moved closer, we started shouting declaring our status as hostages, our numbers and being unarmed. Similar sights of soldiers, with killer eyes, ordered everyone down and asked whether we were for or against, frisking and searching us individually for weapons before confirming us as friendlies.
Into the night
The mood in the middle of the night was very complex.
Determining who was standing on which side became very complicated and emotional as the lines of questioning and interrogation became physical.
Emotions were running high as the count of our losses were being realised. Command and control became critical to maintaining a sense of order and stability.
Trust became questionable, as soldiers began to question young leaders of their loyalty.
Rouge elements were being pursued as they abandoned their post and mission after realising how untenable the situation had become.
As the hours passed and the days went by, prominent individuals were singled out and linked to the mutiny; their selfish agendas had caused the lives of individuals on both sides, where families became part of that collateral.
Honouring the fallen
Twenty-one years later, we relive that memory. Today, in honour of those who unfortunately lost their lives in defending the institution. We honour their families for the sacrifices they have had to endure and will continue to endure throughout all their generations.
We will never forget what happened, we will never forget those who lost their lives, we will never forget the families who lost their fathers, sons and grandsons.
We will continue to tell its tale, we will continue to allow this day to shape our institution as we advocate our ethos of being True, Just and Fair in all we do and stand for.
2nd November will always be engraved in our history, it will always be the reason for us to keep aloft our colours and standards ensuring that they never fall again to such selfish and power-hungry agendas.
We will always ensure that the lives we lost were never in vain, but become the raison d’etre of ensuring the defense, security and well-being of Fiji and all Fijians. We will never allow this to happen again. We will never allow such selfish and power-hungry individuals to exploit the RFMF for their personal gains. We will stand for the right of every Fijian regardless of race, ethnicity, colour or creed.
Many today have forgotten our past, whilst some have even purposefully erased it, hoping that what they did or were responsible for doesn’t catch up with them sooner or later.
What we cannot undo, could however be rewritten to help provide us today with a safer route for our life’s journey into the future. To solve our problems of the future, we must become its solutions of today.
Our lives are made up of very critical moments or what many refer to as life’s sign posts where very huge life changing impacts, affect our perception and sense of meaning towards life itself.
In April of 1996, I personally watched, in one of the most tragic moments in my life, the horrors of war in South Lebanon, the Qana massacre, where hundreds of innocent men, women and children became an unfortunate and tragic collateral of war.
Witnessing it firsthand, the horror and sights of dismembered bodies, the strong smell of iron from burning bodies and sounds of grief, despair and anger for the loss of innocent lives.
Occasional triggers bring back images and vivid memories of that tragic day, describing what man is capable of during war and conflict, where power, lust and greed become more important than ones very own sense of humanity.
Overcoming such flashbacks have never been easy, but they have provided me with a more cautious approach towards life itself
Lead up to the mutiny
Twenty-one years ago today, another very personal signpost flashes prominently – linked to tragedy, conflict, death and greed, all caught up on this particular day.
Brought about by selfish aspirations of greedy and power-hungry individuals and opportunists, determined to create disunity and chaos in the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) and force the country into the brink of civil war and total disaster.
I was a young captain – working in our intelligence unit, analysing the implications of the current events as a result of the 2000 coup, the involvement of the CRW unit, their rehabilitation process to reintegrate back into the RFMF and the then political climate.
Months before the 2nd November mutiny, we had already assessed and briefed the RFMF leadership of a highly likely move to remove the current commander, Commodore Bainimarama at the time by rogue elements within the RFMF. We however could not confirm an actual time and day for the mutiny.
Whilst the RFMF loyalists were implementing its plan of re-integrating these rogue elements under a plan named ‘Prodigal Son’, certain disgruntled elements within the RFMF, under constant covert surveillance, were working in a counter plan named ‘Moses’ that included the moving of arms caches and personnel and organising pocket meetings with civilians in what was being assessed as the preconditions building towards the 2nd November mutiny.
This was also followed by the constant approaches from some senior elements, then within the RFMF, to downgrade our assessments that could influence changes with the protective levels of personnel security shadowing the Commander at that time.
The mutineers strike
The unfortunate events of the day began after mid-day, together with a fellow officer; we were working on preparing an intelligence briefing for the Commander, highlighting intelligence indications of a possible palace coup within the RFMF.
The indicators coming from our sources were consistent and increasing daily.
Approximately after midday, gunfire in the direction of the 3FIR complex broke the normalcy of the day. Another sound of gunfire and shouts were a lot closer outside our complex with sounds of boots running along the corridors.
The consistent pattern of controlled gunfire, sound of boots and shouting was immediately recognised as house clearing drills used in operations conducted whilst Fighting in Built Up Areas (FIBUA Ops).
As the synchronised sounds of gunfire, boots and shouting came closer, I shouted in a loud voice, declaring we were two unarmed persons in the office.
The door burst open followed by a pair of focused and determined killer eyes behind the sights and aperture of an automatic weapon.
Sweat was pouring down his face as he ordered us to the floor, followed by the order that we crawl outside onto the corridor leading to the RFMF National Operations Centre (NOC). Our hands are immediately bounded, and we are taken and held as hostages in the NOC.
For the duration of the events that unfolded on this very tragic day, the NOC became a strategic vantage point for me as I listen to the ongoing conversations confidently being discussed as the next order of operations was issued by the hostage takers.
A realisation of great uncertainty and fear settled in as the unfolding plans and intentions of these rogue elements were confidentially discussed openly over telephone calls with the details of bringing in prominent former RFMF individuals and busloads of civilians into the camp to be armed immediately.
Their intent was to create armed groups, that would be sent out later to arrest and apprehend all remaining RFMF loyalist officers, force a change in leadership to the extent of bringing the RFMF and the nation to its knees, to succumb to their selfish and power-hungry desires.
However, from the beginning of that fateful day, the order to eliminate the Commander and RFMF hostages, arm the busloads of civilians and handover control to very prominent ex-RFMF individuals was continuously short lived through the intervening hands of providence.
The situations changed strategically to the favour of the RFMF, as critical threat conditions were not achieved. One by one, each threat condition was systematically mitigated and placed under strict control; the RFMF re-established a firm base to re-gain the initiative and reaffirm control over the threatening situation.
Lessons learned
If there was a great lesson to be learnt by those who wanted to act in defiance, the rogue elements were only trained to hold ground for a short period.
Their role was nev that decisive battle, dow of opportunity about winning but exploit a winthat could provide that opportunity for a more consistent and self-sustaining capability to exploit. Their failure was the thought that they were capable enough to move from a hit-andrun role to a stand, fight and hold ground role.
Time was never on their side; however, it was a critical enabler for the RFMF loyal troops because it provided them with the ability to regenerate its strength and fighting power to a more determined level of capability to retake QEB.
As the hostage takers began to lose the initiative, the plans to re-take QEB by RFMF loyalist troops was executed. Sounds of advancing gunfire and high explosions became more co-ordinated and systematic.
The rogue elements began to disappear. The situation became more complicated as it transitioned into a phase of deep unknown.
Loyalist troops fought and took back QEB inch by inch, clarity of identifying the forces at play and the hostage from its capturers at this point was critical as those sitting on the fence began to jump at the opportunity of being loyalists again.
The officer ordered to execute us, threw his pistol under the bench as the situation and control changed to the hands of loyalist troops.
As the assault commenced with loud explosions and automatic gunfire, the order for us was to look for cover and protect ourselves until the loyalists clearing teams cleared the area. For almost two minutes heavy explosions rocked the camp.
There were seven of us held as hostages in an office adjacent to the NOC. We all huddled at the furthest corner of the office, hoping and praying that the heavy explosions would not be aimed directly into the building we were being held in.
The heavy explosions began to sound very close for some time and then faded further away as the next wave of automatic gunfire approached again in the systematic rhythm familiar to house clearing drills in FIBUA.
As it moved closer, we started shouting declaring our status as hostages, our numbers and being unarmed. Similar sights of soldiers, with killer eyes, ordered everyone down and asked whether we were for or against, frisking and searching us individually for weapons before confirming us as friendlies.
Into the night
The mood in the middle of the night was very complex.
Determining who was standing on which side became very complicated and emotional as the lines of questioning and interrogation became physical.
Emotions were running high as the count of our losses were being realised. Command and control became critical to maintaining a sense of order and stability.
Trust became questionable, as soldiers began to question young leaders of their loyalty.
Rouge elements were being pursued as they abandoned their post and mission after realising how untenable the situation had become.
As the hours passed and the days went by, prominent individuals were singled out and linked to the mutiny; their selfish agendas had caused the lives of individuals on both sides, where families became part of that collateral.
Honouring the fallen
Twenty-one years later, we relive that memory. Today, in honour of those who unfortunately lost their lives in defending the institution. We honour their families for the sacrifices they have had to endure and will continue to endure throughout all their generations.
We will never forget what happened, we will never forget those who lost their lives, we will never forget the families who lost their fathers, sons and grandsons.
We will continue to tell its tale, we will continue to allow this day to shape our institution as we advocate our ethos of being True, Just and Fair in all we do and stand for.
2nd November will always be engraved in our history, it will always be the reason for us to keep aloft our colours and standards ensuring that they never fall again to such selfish and power-hungry agendas.
We will always ensure that the lives we lost were never in vain, but become the raison d’etre of ensuring the defense, security and well-being of Fiji and all Fijians. We will never allow this to happen again. We will never allow such selfish and power-hungry individuals to exploit the RFMF for their personal gains. We will stand for the right of every Fijian regardless of race, ethnicity, colour or creed.
"When at 5.00 p.m. that afternoon the respondent (Sitiveni Rabuka) finished lunch at the Insurance Company office, he travelled out to the Barracks, then still under the control of the rebels, where he went to the officers’ mess. Much reliance was placed by the State on the fact that on arrival he was seen by some witnesses to have with him his Army uniform. It was distinctive in that, being a former Major-General, the collar and shoulders were decorated with red badges or flashes which a number of witnesses claimed to have noticed. On the other hand, two other witnesses as well as the respondent (Rabuka) were equally adamant that the respondent brought no uniform with him. It is very doubtful whether the question of the uniform justified the time and effort expended on it at the trial or on appeal. The prosecution case presumably was that the respondent was planning to wear the uniform in order to promote the incitement to mutiny, or intending to do so as soon as it succeeded in having Commodore Bainimarama removed from command. However, the respondent’s action in taking the uniform with him to wear was and is equally capable of being explained as designed to stress his military position and authority when he came to negotiate a ceasefire. As a Major-General, he would have outranked all others at the Barracks. The uniform would certainly have been more appropriate and impressive than the shirt and sulu that he had been wearing at the Insurance Company lunch.
Fiji Court of Appeal, 25 June 2007
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NFP LEADER: VOTERS, WE MUST NOT ELECT COUPISTS
DOUBLE SPEAK: A BLOODY TWO-FACED POLITICAL NFP JUDAS
NFP leader Biman Prasad on hearing about 14 December 2022 election:
"Another four years of FijiFirst government will destroy our democracy and reduce the nation to a two-men dictatorship. While welcoming the announcement of the general elections, Prasad says this dictatorship will close down all dissenting voices, news media, NGOs and opposition political parties."
But he has chosen to forget his Political Husband's 1987 Coup Record:
