LETTER TO THE FIJI SUN BY #NFP INTENDING CANDIDATE - PIO TIKODUADUA
---------------------------------------------------------------------
On Wednesday 19 April Nemani Delaibatiki wrote an “analysis” piece in the Fiji Sun headed “Pio Tikoduadua’s Lack of Understanding of How Parties Work Shows Through Now.”

He was commenting on the incident that caused me to leave the Fiji First Government in 2015. This was my disagreement with Prime Minister Honourable Voreqe Bainimarama and Attorney General Honourable Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum on how to handle the dissent of Fiji First MP Dr Neil Sharma.

Nemani suggests that I do not understand how political parties work or the need for party discipline in parliamentary voting. This criticism is certainly new. I never suffered such criticism when I was a member of the Fiji First Party government!

You do not need to be a genius to know that a governing party needs all of its MPs to vote for its position on important legislation. If its MPs do not, the governing party does not achieve its policy aims and it is not being faithful to the voters who elected it.

But Dr Sharma did not vote against government legislation. He voted with the Opposition on a Friday afternoon adjournment motion, the kind where Parliament expresses a view about a particular issue, often raised by the Opposition.

Adjournment motions do not spend government money. They do not create new laws. They are a chance for MPs to discuss with each other what the people are talking about. Often the Opposition takes advantage of this opportunity. The Opposition also represents citizens of our country and their voices should also be heard. Adjournment motions are an opportunity for the Government to talk less and listen more.

I do not even recall the exact terms of the motion. I think it called for action on Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs). Dr Sharma is a medical doctor. He is a former Minister for Health. No doubt he felt strongly about these issues. He voted with the Opposition.

There is a paranoid element in the FijiFirst Party that treats any sign of dissension as a threat which must be immediately suppressed. This is similar to the Soviet Union in the time of Josef Stalin. In Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s words, Dr Sharma had to be “made an example”. He had to be forced out of Parliament to warn other MPs not to do the same.

The Fiji First Party has 32 out of 50 seats in Parliament. This was an adjournment motion. It did not compel the Government to do anything (except listen to some opposing views for a few minutes).

For anyone who is paying attention, NCDs are right now the biggest threat to the health and well-being of Fiji’s people. If a Government MP votes with the Opposition, that is a wake-up call for the Government. The Government needs to listen and learn about why that MP feels so strongly that he would put at risk his relationship with his fellow party members.

Dissent, in the right measure, strengthens, not weakens, organisations. It means that we are keeping an open mind and looking for better ways to meet our goals.

Weak people fear dissent. They are not confident that their arguments are better than the dissenters. They are afraid of other people being seen to be better than they are.

So, Nemani, party discipline certainly has its place in Parliamentary government. But imagination, tolerance and listening to other points of view is how you strengthen your party for the future. People who know that you are listening to them, not dictating to them or threatening them, are the people who will vote with you when you really need the support.

That is how strong political parties work. The same is true of nations.

Pio Tikoduadua.

April 20, 2017
 
MEDIA RELEASE
 
NFP WILL REPEAL PARLIAMENTARY REMUNERATIONS DECREE
 
A National Federation Party Government will repeal the Parliamentary Remunerations Decree and will, through Parliament, establish an independent emoluments commission to look at salaries, perks and privileges of Members of Parliament.
 
Until the determination is set by a Parliamentary emoluments commission, the salaries of the Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers will be automatically reduced by 25% from the current exorbitantly highly and self-determined salaries done by the Fiji First Government.  Similarly, rates of allowances and per diem will be reduced.
 
The independent emoluments commission will determine the salaries of all public office holders including the President, Prime Minister, Cabinet Ministers, Leader of the Opposition and the Speaker.  Unlike before there is no relativity of the salaries of office holders to those of the Leader of the Opposition and Members of Parliament.
 
It must be recalled that the Parliamentary Remunerations Decree was promulgated by the Fiji First Government on 3rd October 2014, 3 days before the resumption of parliamentary democracy. This basically means that the Fiji First Government prescribed for themselves what their salaries should be!
 
Furthermore, while paying themselves exorbitant salaries, Government is stifling resources and funding for the Opposition. Worse of all, the weekly salary and allowances of the Prime Minister is manifestly more than what an ordinary worker would earn in a year on the meagre minimum wage rate of $2.32 an hour.
 
The Attorney General and Minister for Economy’s excuse that large salaries for Government Ministers avoids corruption is pathetic and self-serving. He conveniently sidestepped the issue that was raised by students during his Budget consultation who probably know much better.
 
There continues to be one rule for Government Ministers and one rule for everybody else. The lower ranks of public servants are under intense scrutiny through anti-corruption laws and FICAC (Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption).
 
Against this backdrop the Attorney General justifies payment of unilaterally imposed large salaries for Government Ministers under the pretext of preventing them from being tempted into corruption.
 
On 29th September last year, parliamentarians voted for themselves, the PM and Cabinet Ministers, a massive increase in allowances and per diem. Only the NFP voted against it and refused to accept the increased allowances or personally benefit from it. Any increased allowances paid to our Members is used for relief assistance. Members of Parliament voting for a monetary increase for themselves based on a report done by themselves breaks every fibre of transparency, accountability and good governance.
 
The Leader of the Opposition and Opposition MPs have also contributed 10% of their annual salary of $50,000 towards relief work for TC Winston. The NFP Leader has contributed 50% of his annual salary of $50,000. There were no such reciprocal measures done by Fiji First Government despite enjoying massive salaries.
 
The salary levels of the PM and Government Ministers is unprecedented in our history. All except four Cabinet Ministers are earning $185,000 per annum. Three Ministers are receiving $200,000 per annum. The salary of the Attorney General is set at $235,0000 annually.
 
And the Prime Minister is paid $328,750 per annum. This is a 210% increase from the base salary of the PM in 2006 before the coup. The Prime Minister’s overseas travel per diem has increased by 200% from post election levels. If he travels to New Zealand, he will receive almost $3,000 per night. This is the least amount of per diems that he will receive, if compared against travel to Europe or the United States or Asia.
 
The people of Fiji need to be reminded that at the time of the coup, Commodore Josaia Voreqe famously claimed no one in his team would profit from the coup. Ten years on, he now pays himself the biggest prime ministerial salary in Fiji’s history. This is yet another forgotten and shattered promise on the part of Fiji First.
 
Authorised by: -
 
Professor Biman Prasad
NFP Leader
 

“IN CONFIDENCE”
 
MOSESE  BULITAVO
 
Ena vuku ni veika e vakaraitaka o Nemani Delaibatiki ena “Fiji Sun” ena vula sa oti (Okosita 2015)  – me baleta na isema ni veiwekani vakavanua mai Lalagavesi/Caumatalevu/Sanokonoko (Verata)  kei na veika tale eso me baleti Mosese Bulitavo, sa koto oqo e ra na ituvatuva ni kawa ka basika cake mai kina ko Mosese me vaka eratou vakaraitaka mai na lewe ni  Yavusa Vusaratu ena koro ko Vanuavou, Vaturova, Cakaudrove.

1. VANUA O DAWATO – MALAKE, SAQANI, CAKAUDROVE

 
O Malake  - kena icavuti vakavanua “Dawato” - e wili vaka-matanitu ki na Tikina ko Saqani; ia e qali  vaka-vanua ki  Sovatabua (Natewa).
 
E tawasei Dawato kei na koro o Vanuavou e dua na uciwai ka basika ki Natewa Bay – veibasai kei na koro ko Natewa.  E iyalayala ni Tikina ko Vaturova ko Vanuavou; ka sa tekivu e Malake na Tikina ko Saqani.

1. VANUA O VUSARATU – VANUAVOU, VATUROVA, CAKAUDROVE

 
Na koro ko Vanuavou e kena icavuti vakavanua o “Vusaratu”, ka ratou kawa mai vakadodonu vei Matawalu, na makubui Rokomautu mai Verata.  [Oqo na nodratou koro na “Gonelevu”. Na nodratou itokatoka na Gonelevu o “Vanuavou”, Mataqali “Vusaratu” (Mataqali Turaga) ena Yavusa “Vusaratu” ena Tikina ko Vaturova; sa iratou ga eratou vakayagataka tiko na yaca “Vusaratu” – ena loma ni toba ko Natewa me tekivu mai Tikina ko Navatu, Koroalau, Vaturova, Saqani ka yaco sara ki Tawake - me vaka e volai tu ena VKB kei na iVola ni Veitarogi Vanua.
 
Ia, ena koro ko Natewa, e tiko talega kina na  Yavusa “Vusaratu” ka tukuni ratou veiwekani kei iratou mai Vanuavou (Vusaratu).

1. NA ISEMA NI VEIWEKANI KO MALAKE (DAWATO) KEI (VANUAVOU) VUSARATU

 
E dua na marama ni Mataqali Vusaratu (Vanuavou) – Adi Merelesita Tuioro -  ka ganei Liuliu ni Yavusa Vusaratu, Sakaraia Gonelevu, ena gauna o ya - e a vakawati  ki Malake  ki na vuvale liu nei Tui Dawato.   O Tui Dawato 1 (vasu ki Vusaratu), e tamai Tui Dawato 2, ka ganena o Salote, ka ganitamai Tui Dawato 3 ena gauna qo.
 
O Salote e luvei Tui Dawato 1 (na vasu ni Vusaratu),  e a vakaluveni  ena imatai ni gauna (sega ni vakamautaki)  ki vua e dua na turaga ena Yavusa Namako (Dogotuki),  Yasana o Macuata.  E
 
-2-
 
luvena kina o Nemani  (Tulivi) Bulitavo, ka tamai Mosese Bulitavo.  O Nemani Bulitavo e volai tiko vakararavi vei iratou na Tui Dawato; ka ni basika mai ena kawa yalewa (ka sega ni vakamautaki).  Sa vakatale kina o Mosese ni wili vei tamana ko Nemani Bulitavo.
 
Oqori na veiwekani ka tuva kawa taumada kina o Mosese Bulitavo;  baleta na isema ki Verata, ka ra segai ni kila na kena matailalai ka vakaraitaki tiko yani oqo. E sega mada ni kilai na isema kei Dawato ki Verata – me vakataki iratou na “Vusaratu” e Vanuavou.
 
[ME NANUMI GA: NI SEMA VAKAVANUA NI VANUA O VUSARATU [VANUAVOU]  E KILAI VAKAVINAKA SARA TIKO GA MAI NA VANUA VAKATURAGA O SANOKONOKO (VERATA), KA MATATA VAKAVINAKA VEI IRATOU  NA TURAGA/MARAMA  VEITACINI NA “VESIKULA”.]
 
O tinai Mosese Bulitavo ga e cavutu mai Nasekula, Labasa -  ena nodratou Mataqali na Sauturaga; ka susu tu ga kina ko Mosese Bulitavo me yacova sara ni sa cakacaka.
 [Na veiwekani ki Verata me baleti  Nasekula, eratou kila ga o ratou o Nasekula ena Yasana ko Macuata.]  
 
Rau sa veibiu makawa o tamai kei tinai Mosese Bulitavo, ka sa laki vakawati tale o Nemani (tamai Mosese) kei na dua na yalewa ni Lekutulevu ena Tikina ko Vaturova.
 
E a mai  tu ga o Salote (Bui Mosese) e Dawato (Malake),  ka susu kina ko Nemani (ni segai ni luve ni vakamau).  
 
Oti sa qai vakamautaki Salote tale o koya ga ka gone vei tamai Nemani Tulivi Bulitavo, na tamai Mosese Bulitavo -   ki na Yavusa Namako, Dogotuki, Macuata;  ka luvena kina o Radu (Manidia, FDB) kei Viliame Gauna (Talatala ni CMF ena gauna oqo).  O rau qo erau sa qai volai ki na Yavusa Namako ka ni rau luve ni vakamau.   O Nemani Tulivi, na tamai Mosese, e susu tu ga e Dawato, na vanua ka vola kawa bula kina. 

1. SEMA VAKAVANUA O MALAKE (DAWATO) KEI NATEWA (SOVATABUA) –

(ME NODA ITUKUTUKU GA)
 
Sa tukuni koto mai na imatai ni draunipepa ni vanua vaka-Sovatabua o Dawato.  E ka dina taucoko.  Ia, na isema vakavanua gona oqori e kauta cake tiko mai o Mosese Bulitavo, ka ni vasu ki Natewa (Sovatabua)  na Turaga Tui Cakau (Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu).
 
Me noda itukutuku ga ni o Natewa, e sa buli oti kina e rua na “Vunivalu” –  e dua e a buli ni oti e dua se rua na yabaki sa oti.  Na kena ikarua e qai buli ga ena vula sa oti.
 
-3-
 
Na Vunivalu ka buli taumada ena dua/rua na yabaki sa oti, e nodratou Tokatoka o Valelevu – oqo o ratou  “Ropate Q Rakuita”.  Nai karua ni Vunivalu ka buli ena vula sa oti e nodratou
Tokatoka o  Valenisau  Oqo o ratou na “Vakalalabure” – ka sema kina vakavanua kina o Mosese Bulitavo baleta na vanua o Dawato.

1. SALOTE – NA BUI MOSESE BULITAVO

 
E a qai so tale na luvei Salote e muri ni sa qai vakamautaki ki na Yavusa Namako.  E dua vei ira e yacana ko Rosi ka vakawati tiko ki Vuniyavu (Nadoria) e Rewa.  E sa mai tu kina o Salote ena gauna sara ga oqo, ka ni sa qase sara (sivita na 80). 
 
Na ka e yalowai kina o Mosese Bulitavo, ni via vakamacalataka na noda tiko se veiwekani vakavanua, e segai mada ni bau veiraiyaki, se rai lesu ki na ivakatekivu ni nona bula.   
 
Ni via vakatautauvatataka  na nona kawa  kei na Roko Tui Dreketi – e rawa ni da tukuna ni rau veivolekati cake na  “Roko Tui Dreketi kei na Tukada o Tavola” – ka veiyawaki sara na tuva kawa e cakava mai o Mosese Bulitavo kei na Turaga Tui Cakau.    
 
Ia, na ka e lecava o Mosese  ni  sa mai vakaceuti na kena itukutuku vakamatailalai, , sa qai  laurai kina eso na itukutuku ni nona kawa ka dodonu me taqomaki;  kei na nona  sa mai rawata  tu o Buna o Salote na nona bula ena gauna sara ga oqo ena nodra vanua dina na Gone Marama Bale na Roko-Tui-Dreketi –  o ya vei ira na Tukadra mai Vuniyavu e Nadoria.
 
28/09/2015
 
* * * * * *

By MICK BEDDOES

Back in 2013 [Ahead of the 2014 elections, the Fiji First government announced a special fund of $10 million for ITaukei Land Development.

The Budget notes said as follows: - Quote ITaukei Land Development - $10 million this is a new initiative to help the iTaukei develop their lands for subdivision and development. It is also aimed at encouraging landowners to get into the business of being landlords and reap direct commercial benefits from their land. The funding will be made available as a grant to assist landowners to meet development costs such as the provision of electricity, water and roads. Unquote.

Admirable plan indeed, if it were not a ‘false promise’ designed mainly to ‘hood wink’ the itaukei community before the 2014 elections into believing these funds could help them develop their land.

Now 4 years later, the truth emerges.

For 2 [2013-2014] of the 4 years that the $10 million has been in place – zero dollars has been allocated for any iTaukei development projects. I am aware as I am sure others are, there were a number of development projects submitted, but not one approved! Why?

Government must list who applied and why their projects were rejected and if the projects were not up to par, what assistance did government provide the applicants so that their projects did come up to par.

This means there has been a 100% failure in 2013 and 100% failure in 2014 of government’s iTaukei Development Projects. Shameful!

There is a revised estimate of $10 million for 2015-16 and the estimate for 2016-17 is another $10 million. So out of a $40 million allocation for iTaukei Land Development over the period 2013--2016 Revised Estimates suggests only $20 million or 50% might get utilized?

Contrast this to the Capital Allocation to Fiji Roads Authority over the same period 2013 to 2016. A staggering $1.2 billion has been allocated, of which $570.75 million is already used. Foreign contractors and a hand full of local citizen’s benefit from this $1.2 billion fund.

Consider this, the amount that we have actually allocated to assist our iTaukei community is just 1.6% of the $1.2 billion allocated for Roads. If we assume locals get 50% of this, than the funds allocated to help our iTaukei community who make up 57% of our population increases ever so slightly to just 3.20%.

Yet on Page 289 of the 2016-217 Budget notes it ends with quote: for ongoing and new rural roads projects to provide sustainable access to remote communities and agricultural development areas, helping to lift people out of social exclusion.

Based on the above facts, I put it to you that our majority iTaukei community are not only being socially excluded, but economically disadvantaged as well and this is totally unacceptable

All those responsible for the allocation of the $10 million per annum who failed to get a single iTaukei Project off the ground in 2013 and 2014, should be asked to refund all the pay they received over this period, because their failure was 100% and if government is serious about this I ITaukei development project, it must ensure the $10 million allocated annually accumulates so that the ITaukei community projects, when approved do not miss out on any the promised development funds just because the government is inefficient or incompetent or both.

Khaiyum misleads school kids

AG Aiyaz Khaiyum makes a pathetic attempt to justify the ridiculously high salaries and allowances paid to the PM and his Ministers when questioned by high school students in Sigatoka.

First, the Sigatoka students must be commended for raising the issue of high Ministerial salaries at the national budget consultations.

Khaiyum’s response was that ministerial salaries in Australia, New Zealand, Singapore and PNG were much higher. This was classic Khaiyum tactic: mislead and bamboozle the students.

How can anyone compare salaries in Fiji with Australia, New Zealand, Singapore? The comparison is completely irrelevant considering that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of these countries is many, many times higher than that of Fiji.

Singapore’s per capita income is also much higher and they run a clean government. Singapore is not considered a developing country any more – its economic performance is far superior to Fiji’s.

Secondly, Khaiyum says if Ministers are paid well, there will be less corruption.

Really? Corruption levels in Fiji have risen significantly since the takeover by Bainimarama in 2006 because of an absolute lack of accountability and transparency in his government’s handling of public funds and awarding of government contracts.

They also paid themselves the highest salaries and allowances paid to any government minister in the past.

Transparency International stopped listing Fiji on its corruption surveys because of a lack of data. The Auditor General’s reports since 2008 have highlighted many instances of corrupt practices, funds unaccounted for and lack of acquittals and proper documentation for moneys used.

To this day neither the Prime Minister nor Khaiyum has given details of super salaries paid secretly to them through his aunt’s Suva accounting firm between 2010 and 2013. Queries on this were raised in the Auditor General’s report for 2014.

Under this government, Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentarians have awarded themselves huge increases in pays and allowances without the increases going through an independent remunerations committee, as in the past.

Their super salaries are notoriously disproportionate to the miserable $2.30 an hour they have set as the minimum national wage rate.

Is it little wonder that even school children are beginning to question their super salaries?

Students question Attorney-General on salaries of ministers
The Fiji Times
Tuesday, April 18, 2017

THE salaries of Government ministers were questioned by high school students during the National Budget Consultation in Sigatoka recently.

The issue was put forward to Minister for Economy and Attorney-General, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum who addressed the secondary students during a budgetary consultation last week.

He explained that corruption was more likely to occur if public officials were being paid less than what they deserved.

"If you go to PNG, NZ and Australia, their (ministers') salaries are way higher," he said.

"India has been rated as the most corrupted Asian country in the world. And in Singapore, they pay their ministers in US dollars. They pay them $US1.5million ($F3.1m). So talking about ministers' salaries, if you look at the corruption levels of the previous governments, isn't it better to pay somebody well than to have a corrupt country. If you are going to pay your ministers a small amount of money, do you think that the opportunity for corruption would increase?"

He said each aspect of a minister's salary was taken into account by Government.

"We have to find out how each person is using that money. These are the kinds of things that we look at. We have to look at the management of these funds.

"When you become a minister, you will be given a set amount of salary, but we also take into account who's paying for his water, who's paying for his electricity and who's paying for all of his other expenses.

"In some countries, as soon as you become a minister, they are automatically given huge bundles. They are given servants or people that work for them at their different homes."

He said it was similar for other public servants.

April 15, 2017
 
MEDIA RELEASE
 
 
STATEMENT BY LIEUTENANT COLONEL PIO TIKODUADUA - MEMBER AND INTENDING CANDIDATE – NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY
 
Thank you all for being here today. I apologise to those of you that may have had to sacrifice time with your loved ones, this Saturday of Holy Week to attend this press conference.
 
After consulting with my wife and our two teenage children, I am very grateful and humbled that they have given me their unwavering support, blessings and understanding, to return to public life and service. This sacrifice made by my wife and children comes with their conviction and understanding of the toll it could take on my health personally and my family security. However they also understand my strong belief that contributing positively to our country – and doing so with integrity - not only pays in this life but also in the next.
 
I have now joined the National Federation Party. I will be applying to be an NFP candidate in the 2018 general election.
 
I joined NFP after a number of conversations with its party leader, Professor Biman Prasad.  In the years 2011 and 2012 the United Nations convened a series of meetings between the military government and its opponents. This was a search for a way to work together to restore democracy to Fiji.
 
That process did not succeed. But as a member of the Government at that time, I had many discussions with Professor Prasad. I became convinced that consultation and consensus-building with our opponents was the way to go. Professor  Prasad offered many positive ideas for our country that were falling on deaf ears. 
 
I know about NFP’s deep history in Fiji. Unlike many other parties in Fiji, it was not formed for the purpose of becoming a government. It was formed to defend people who were vulnerable and voiceless. At first this was the cane farmers. But over the years it has become the voice of many more. These are not just Indo-Fijians. As Professor Prasad has reminded me, if NFP had not had many thousands of i-Taukei votes in 2014, it would not be in Parliament right now.  
 
The NFP has given to Fiji statesmen like Mr A D Patel, Mr S M Koya Mr Jai Ram Reddy and Mr Harish Sharma. It has never departed from its principles. At critical moments in Fiji’s history, it has always sought to do the right thing, even at the cost of votes. At Independence in 1970, NFP allowed the Alliance Party to rule for two years instead of demanding an election. In 1999, it joined hands with the SVT Party to offer the people a genuinely multi-racial government, even though many of its supporters did not agree.  NFP has never supported a military coup.
 
In 2014, I had to choose sides to contest the general elections. I chose the Fiji First Party. But before I made this announcement I rang Professor Prasad. I told him that if I had not chosen Fiji First, I would have chosen NFP. So here I am – even if it is three years too late! 
 
As many of you would know, I am a former Minister of the Fiji First Government and Leader of Government Business in Parliament. Before that I was a career officer in the Republic of Fiji Military Forces for 20 years.
 
At the time of the 2006 coup, I was studying in Canberra at the Australian Command and Staff College. I joined the RFMF-led Government, initially as Permanent Secretary for Justice and later serving the Commander RFMF and Prime Minister as Permanent Secretary in the Office of the Prime Minister from 2008 to 2014. For me personally, I considered this as a continuation of my military duty to the Commander, spanning some 15 years from 1999 when I served him as his Personal Staff Officer or Aide-de-Camp (ADC).  Loyalty to your superiors is the essence of soldiering. I was part of the military government. I cannot and do not ignore that fact. I believed, rightly or wrongly, that the military could help to create an effective and sustainable democracy in Fiji. And whether I was right or wrong, I must accept responsibility for that fact.  
 
I was one of the 50 people elected to Parliament in 2014. I was and I still am  very grateful for the overwhelming support of the electorate in electing me. 
 
I resigned from Fiji First and a Member of Parliament in May 2015. The reason I stated at that time for my resignation was that I had serious health issues developing from my cancer condition. My doctors warned me this could recur if I was not mindful of my personal health and stress.  My health has improved during the last 2 years I have lived in my home village at Delasui. I continue to manage my personal health as anyone else would do.
 
But there were other reasons as well for my departure.
 
I spoke earlier about loyalty. Loyalty must be given to a leader. But loyalty must also be returned.
 
In 2015 a Fiji First Party Member of Parliament who was a backbencher voted with the Opposition on a Parliamentary motion on health issues. He did this for reasons of conscience.
 
This was courageous and principled, even if it was politically unwise. Some of my fellow Ministers called for him to resign. I was not one of them. I gave my opinion to the Prime Minister that we should show flexibility and forgiveness. For me, this was an opportunity for the Government to listen and learn about why that one of its MPs had felt so strongly about an issue that he would vote with the Opposition.
 
The Prime Minister initially accepted and was agreeable to my recommendation. I told the MP the matter was resolved.
 
Unfortunately, the PM then took advice of the Attorney General and changed his mind. I went back to argue my case again. He then informed me that my opinion did not matter.
 
I took that statement as an order that my services were no longer required. I then left the Government.
 
Fiji’s biggest problem at the moment is not that my opinion does not matter. It is that nobody’s opinion matters, except those of the Prime Minister and the Attorney-General.  No-one else’s views are sought. No concession is made to any person with a different opinion. Nobody else can ever be right and they can never be wrong.
 
This approach is deeply destructive of democracy and national unity.  It divides Fiji it means that we lack a common vision and we operate in a climate of fear and restrictiveness. This is no way to run a country.  This is no way to solve Fiji’s problems.
 
During my time in "retirement", I kept a close interest on the effects on Fijian society of the decisions made on the national front, in particular of Parliament and of the Executive. And the more I watched and listened, the more I became convinced that most, if not all, the aspirations we in the RFMF had stood for together for democracy and the people have been cast aside today.
 
I am now an intending candidate for the National Federation Party. I will defend the aspirations of both the NFP and the values that were instilled in me from my youth and that have sustained me in my life. These are integrity, honesty and trust – the same values that I took through my military career and which I very dearly cherish through my Christian faith. These are the same principles that I have held as an elected MP - that no matter what your background or religion, we are all equal in the eyes of God. The same belief of Christianity being inclusive, with the central teachings of Christ being foremost – the Command to Love, sacrifice, show compassion, mercy and forgiveness.  Today is the eve of the Resurrection, an event that Christians regard as the epitome of their faith and belief - the victory of good over evil, of life over death, of despair of eternal death to hope in salvation and eternal life.
 
So today -
 
I now Stand Free. I stand to defend the values that I believe in as a humane person, a Fijian, an i Taukei and a farmer with roots embedded in the village of Delasui in Korovou, Northland, Tailevu, a steadfast career military man, and most importantly to me as a being – my family and Christian and Catholic values of freedom, equality, justice, democracy, selflessness, and of putting God and country before oneself. I take these with me.
 
Today I am urging and encouraging all Fijians to stand tall too, and stand free. Let's take this walk and let’s stand up for the truth, for honour, justice, and democracy and for our voices. Let’s stand up for the life that each one of us, our children, and generations to come, deserve. Let's demand nothing less. Let's not take a back seat but CHOOSE to define our destiny.
 
Thank you very much.
 
Authorised by : -
 
Lieutenant-Colonel Pio Tikoduadua
 
Ph: 7196802
Email: [email protected]

April 18, 2017
 
Statement by the NFP Leader on Lt-Col Pio Tikoduadua joining the NFP
 
I am very pleased that Lieutenant-Colonel Pio Tikoduadua has decided to join us. As he has said, we got to know each other well during the UN Roundtable process.
 
This was a man who, although he was loyal to the RFMF and its then Commander, could listen with respect to our opposing views. He could accept criticism and look for common ground.
 
He was never arrogant to us. He built trust with us and welcomed our ideas. If the Prime Minister had listened more to Pio and less to other people, Fiji would be a very different place now.  
 
People should clearly understand that Lt-Col Tikoduadua is not an ordinary politician. Many Fiji First Party MPs are unhappy with the Government’s direction, but they stay silent.  On the other hand, Lt-Col Tikoduadua gave up his position in 2015 as a matter of principle.
 
He gave up his Ministerial and Parliamentary salaries. perks and privileges. Very few politicians would make such a sacrifice. We welcome Lt-Col Tikoduadua and his supporters to our party. We are proud that they have chosen to join us.  
 
In next year’s general elections, NFP will put before the people of Fiji a strong line-up of candidates. These will be people who are well known in the community and who have the deep skills and experience required to work in the next Government.
 
We intend to make the next election a serious contest for the people’s votes. We will be making further announcements in the weeks and months ahead about new people, new policies and our vision for the future.
 
We are inviting everyone to join us – as party members, candidates, volunteers or supporters – to help to change Fiji for the better.  We believe that for NFP the best is yet to come.   
 
Authorised by: -
 
Professor Biman Prasad
NFP Leader
 
 

In order to make sense of his controversial and daylight robbery back pay, we need to look at his 2004 Terms of Employment Contract, and his own CV which he provided when he demanded that the then Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase re-appoint him as Commander of the RFMF in 2004.

As I noted in a previous instalment, the above documents are contained in the Cabinet files that were made available to me from inside the Military High Command at Queen Elizabeth Barracks shortly after the coup.

According to the documents, Bainimarama was born on 27 April 1954. He attended Marist Brothers High School in Suva. On 26 July 1975 he joined the Fiji Navy as a midshipman, an officer cadet or a commissioned officer of the lowest rank. He was twenty-one years old when he was put to sea. On 28 November 1977 he passed his Midshipman Fleet Board Certificate, which qualified him to become a commissioned officer.

Let us begin with the RFMF Leave Computation Form (RFMF LCF) in our possession titled “21915 Commodore J. V. Bainimarama PM/COMD RFMF – Last Tour Commenced from Date of Enlistment: 26 July 1975”. We will then compare with the other above-mentioned documents, also in our possession. His backdated leave pay begins in 1978 but there is no mention of the date or month in that year.

According to RFMF LCF, Bainimarama claimed the following for 78/79: Annual Leave: Total, 37 days, Taken, 16 days, Balance, 21 days. But what was this mediocre midshipman up to in the years 1978-79? According to his CV, on 23 January 1978 he was attending a midshipman supplementary course in Australia. And, between January-June 1978 he was attached to HMAS Jervis Bay for Navigation Training. The following year between January and June 1979, he was attached to Le Esmeralda, the Chilean Navy Training Ship.

Esmeralda – The Ship of Death and Bainimarama’s sojourn on Board

As a digression, the above Chilean Navy ship has a brutal and bloody terrifying history. In 1973, in the aftermath of a bloody coup, supported by business leaders and the CIA, against the democratically elected government of President Salvador Allende, the Chilean Navy helped the new military junta led by General Augusto Pinochet, to be used as a prison and torture chamber.

According to testimony collected by Amnesty International and the Organization of American States, at least 110 political prisoners - 70 men and 40 women - were interrogated aboard the ship for more than two weeks without charges or trial.

The former Mayor of Valparaiso, where the ship was stationed, described being tied to one of the ship’s masts and subjected repeatedly to electric shock. “I couldn't sleep for six days because they woke me up every six minutes, night and day,” he said. “We could hear how the others were tortured right where we were.”

According to a Chilean lawyer held on board, military officials stripped and savagely beat the prisoners and shot them with high-pressure jets of water that produced “an unbearable pain in the head, ears, eyes, and lungs”. At least one of those tortured on board La Esmeralda, a British-Chilean priest named Michael Woodward, died as a result. His body was thrown into an unmarked mass grave. The ship was under the Command of Jorge Sabugo Silva and his Eduardo Barrison. In 1979, Bainimarama had a taste of the ship of death.

Meanwhile, according to the RFMF LCF, Bainimarama earned 30 days Long Service Leave in 1980/1981, 56 days in 1983/984 and 56 days in 1987/1988. Amazingly, given that he joined the Navy in July 1975, he had already in thirteen years of service earned 142 days of LSL.

What was the dictator up to during these years? Again, let us turn to his CV. In December 1980 he passed his Second Mate Certificate Pacific Island Vessels; January 1981, Junior Command & Staff Course, RNZAF, NZ, October 1981 NBCD Course, NZ, March 1892, Completed Short Navigation Course, HMAS Watson, September 1983, attached to the United States Coast Guard Training Centre, New York, March 1984, EEZ Surveillance Familiarization, NZ.

As noted elsewhere, according to the RFMF LCF, Bainimarama did not take a single day’s leave in 10 years between 1983 and 1999, and again in the 8 years between 2000 and 2008. What was Bainimarama doing up to 1999 before he took up the Commander’s post, which he did not deserve, according to highly classified Military and Cabinet documents?

Let us, again, allow his CV to guide us.

Bainimarama: Promotions and Appointments, 1976 – 1999

On 9 August 1976, he was promoted Able Seaman, 12 December 1976, Appointed Midshipman, 1 November 1978, promoted Sub-Lieutenant, June-December 1978, Appointed Navigation Officer HMFS KIRO, June 1979 (NB: in 2008 he claimed annual leave at $263.77 per day for 21 days on so-called $96,276 per annum salary and throughout his career until 2008: what was his salary in 1979?), Appointed Executive Officer HMFS KIRO, August 1981, Promoted Temporary Lieutenant, 1 November 1984, Promoted Lieutenant, February 1985, Appointed CO HMFS KIKAU, 17 February 1986, Promoted Temporary Lieutenant Commander, September 1986-September 1987, Served with 2FIR [MFO], Sinai, as Company Second in Command [2IC], October 1987, took delivery of FNS LEVUKA, LAUTOKA from US Navy, 19 April 1988, Appointed Commanding Officer [CO] Fiji Naval Division, 4 October 1988 Promoted Temporary Commander, 1 November 1991 Promoted Substantive Lieutenant-Commander, January 1992, Resumed Command of Fiji Naval Division, 3 October 1994, promoted Acting Captain [Navy, N], 1 September 1995, promoted Temporary Captain[N], 10 November 1997, Appointed Acting Chief of Staff, 18 April 1998, Appointed Chief of Staff, RFMF, 1 March 1999, Appointed Commander, RFMF and promoted Commodore, on the recommendation of a co-kana loto Epeli Ganilau, his predecessor and raider of the RFMF Regimental Funds and the collapsed National Bank of Fiji.

Meanwhile, in 21 December 1990-21 December 1991, Bainimarama was attached to the Malaysian Armed Forces Staff College, October-November 1992, Maritime Surveillance Course, Warfare College, Newcastle, Australia, May-June 1993, Disaster Management Course 15, Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand, June-August 1994, Exclusive Economic Course, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada, and January-June 1995, with the Australian Joint Services Staff College.

The Swindler’s Other Payments

The RFMF LCF reveal that Bainimarama collected another $29,139.11 in expense and ration allowance. His service allowance came to $3,832.02, duty allowance was $23,013.92, gratuity for one year was $24,069 and for another 10 months was $20,057.50. The RFMF LCF shows a FNPF deduction of $20,406.71 which went directly into his FNPF account. What the RFMF LCF did not disclose was that the taxpayer had to fork out a similar amount ($20,406.71) to FNPF as the Employer’s contribution to Bainimarama’s account.

Tax Fiddler Chaudhry endorsed his Master Swindler’s Payout

Probably as a favour for protecting him from his own tax fiddling and secret $2million in Australian and New Zealand bank accounts, the then illegal Finance Minister (and in previous incarnation a Government Auditor) Chaudhry claimed that there was nothing sinister about the leave pay. In July 2008, he said he was not aware of any irregularities regarding the payment of $184,740 paid to Bainimarama for leave owed from 1978.

Chaudhry said while some people criticised the payout they could not produce evidence there was some impropriety in the 698 days. “All they are saying is that Commodore Bainimarama is not owed the leave,” he said. Chaudhry said previous governments should be asked why they allowed the leave to accumulate. He omitted to include his own short-lived FLP-NFP Coalition government from 1999-2000. “We are trying to clear all liabilities and that is why we paid it out,” he said. Chaudhry saw nothing sinister about the rate of $263.77 per day based on Bainimarama’s basic salary the payment was made on. “Every day you carry this forward it will be claimed on higher costs,” he said.

2004 Terms and Conditions of Salary and Other Allowances

We wonder if Chaudhry had enquired or had even seen the Terms and Conditions for the post of Commander that was signed between Bainimarama and the Government on 5 February 2004, before signing off the cheque to Bainimarama. As pointed out elsewhere, it is clear that simple arithmetic throws up glaring arithmetical errors in the RFMF LCF, let alone the justification of the entitlements. For instance in 1985/86 the schedule shows that Bainimarama used up all his leave but Degei allocated 8 days of outstanding leave, and Chaudhry turned a blind eye to it.

As noted above, Chaudhry said while some people criticised the payout they could not produce evidence there was some impropriety in the 698 days. Well, did he recall the Terms and Contract of Bainimarama’s appointment? The RFMF LCF of February 2008 states the following calculations: Basic salary, $96,276.000, Daily $263.77, Days 698, Gross $184,441.46; Service Allowance, $2003.05, Daily 549, Days 698, Gross $3,832.02; Duty Allowance, $12,034.50, Daily $32.97, Days 698, Gross $23,013.92; Gratuity (1yr) Annual $24,069.00, 10mths $20,057.50, Gross $44,126.50; Expenses Allowance, $12,5000, Daily $34.25, Days 698, $23,904.11, Ration Allowance, $2,737.50, Daily $7.50, Days 698, $5,235.00. Gross taxable $255,083.90, Tax (31%) $79,076.01, FNFP, $20,406.71 Net $155,601.18, Expenses Allowance 23,904.11 (Non-Taxable), Ration Allowance, $5,235.00 – Net Total: $184,740.29.

Like his own fraudulent tax returns to FIRCA, Chaudhry and other defenders of Bainimarama’s back pay of $263.77 for 678 days can not defend their position. Bainimarama’s basic annual salary is stated as $96,276.00 on 1 February 2008 in the RFMF LCF. And yet, on 5 February 2004, from his Terms and Contract, Bainimarama was hired on a basic fixed salary of $89,352 per annum. In four years, in 2008, his salary has jumped by $7,000. Even setting aside the sum, how on earth was Bainimarama paid a consistent amount of $263.77 per day for 678 days when his salary in 2004 was not $96,276? His CV also reveals his various positions in the navy – are we to believe that the midshipman’s salary in 1978 was $96,276? He was, after all, in that year, a navigation officer on the HMS KIRO.

Again, from the RFMF LCF of February 2008, Bainimarama is cited as being owed annual leave of 29 days each for March 2004, April 2005, and May 2006, before the treasonous December coup. How, on earth, can those defending Bainimarama, including Chaudhry, claim that in March 2004, a month after he was appointed Commander, he was owed $263.77 per day for 29 days on a salary of $92,276 when Bainimarama had, on 5 February 2004, agreed to take command of the RFMF on a basic salary of $89,352.00.

Maybe, it is time those over-paid Sri Lankan lawyers with FICAC should be called in to look into the scandalous back pay, and investiagtive Bainimarama, Chaudhry, Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum and all others who colluded in robbing the taxpayers of over $185,000. According to foot soldiers at Queen Elizabeth Barracks, Officers and Other ranks have been corruptly known to sell back leave owing at HQ RFMF.

They claim that prior to the Dec 2006 coup, Bainimarama gained a lot of officer support by officers cashing in on outstanding leave. The practise has been highlighted by previous audits of RFMF and all ranks have been always told to always take annual leave owing when in the country. It is plain corruption what Bainimarama did - order a low rank in the RFMF pay office to make out his annual leave entitlement, the foot soldiers claim. Did Bainimarama sell his own annual leave and went on to pocket $185,000?

Other Allowances in Bainimarama’s 2004 Contract

For the record, here is what other allowances Bainimarama had agreed to in February 2004. Ration Allowance of $2,737.50 per annum; Housing, a rent-free Government housing from the RFMF Institutional Quarters; Reimbursable Allowance: telecommunication, a telecommunication allowance of $1,200 per annum, Official Expense (An Official Expense Allowance of $1000 per annum), Professional Subscription (Professional Subscription Allowance of $1,000 per annum; Vehicle, a fully maintained vehicle for official purposes; Superannuation (A Superannuation contribution in accordance with the FNFP Act at the rate of 8% by the Employee and 10% by the Employer); Insurance, (1) A 50% Government contribution towards a life or medical insurance cover of the Commander’s choice subject to the insurer’s terms and conditions, (2) In lieu of overseas travel insurance cover the death of the RFMF Medical Scheme will apply to the Commander; Overseas Travel, A Business Class Overseas Travel package with a Per Diem of 10% loading on the United Nations prescribed and applicable rates. Local Travel: Hotel Accommodation, Hotel Meal Allowance and Subsistence Allowance.

As pointed out in an earlier story on Coupfourpointfive, Bainimarama had agreed to retire at the age of 55 when he signed the 2004 Terms of Contract with the Government of Laisenia Qarase. He was, however, reminded in no uncertain terms: “You are aware that in accordance with the Constitution and the RFMF Act, the Commander RFMF is responsible to the Minister in exercising executive command of the RFMF and in the proper management of public funds approved for the RFMF by Parliament.”

The $44,126.50 Gratuity Payment on back of 2006 Coup

On 11 March 2004 Bainimarama acknowledged the letter of his appointment but he touched on the issue of a payment of gratuity and the required age to retire at fifty-five. “A common provision that has been provided to the Chief Executive Officers of Government Departments and Constitutional Office holders is a payment of gratuity, recognising the services of the office holder,” he wrote. “The position of Commander is much different in that, whilst other Constitutional Office holders or Chief Executive Officers are permitted to work until they reach the age of sixty, the Commander is required to retire at the age of five-five. We are of the opinion that it is only appropriate that the Commander be paid a gratuity at the end of his service the sum of two times his annual gross salary,” he stated in his letter.

In other words, he agreed to the terms and conditions regarding the retirement age as well placing himself under the control of the Minister and to properly manage public funds approved for the RFMF by Parliament. But four years later, in 2008, he not only refused to retire under the State Services Decree (exempting himself), but collected nearly $45,000 in Gratuity payments, while providing a park to the 55 plus whom he has thrown to the dogs.

Leave Pay Unlawful

In the end, it took one of the supporters of the Peoples Charter, Akuila Yabaki of the CCF, to call upon Bainimarama and the regime to reverse the “unlawful, flawed decision to award leave pay for 698 days dating back to 1978”. Yabakii said the normal practice was that all outstanding leave had to be used before the end of any contract period. “As far as CCF is aware, Bainimarama's previous contract as army commander ended in January 2004. Therefore, all leave prior to January 2004 that had not been utilised by Bainimarama would have become null and void," he said.

Yabaki said Commodore Bainimarama's new contract as army commander began in February 2004. “As such, he can only claim for leave not utilised after the February 2004 date. Even for the post-February 2004 period, Bainimarama should not claim for leave pay outstanding beyond one year, unless he can provide good reason why he did not utilise his leave,” Yabaki asked. He said if Bainimarama did not want to use his leave since 1978, then he should accept that was his choice. “To claim for that leave now is bad governance and shows poor and non-transparent leadership," Yabaki said.

But Yabaki’s comments fell on the deaf ears of Bainimarama, the self-appointed Prime Minister and Minister for Finance, National Planning, Public Service, Peoples Charter for Change and Progress, Information, Sugar, iTaukei Affairs, and Multi-Ethnic Affairs and Provincial Development.

RFMF should hang its head in shame on Independence Day

As Fiji celebrates its 40th anniversary of the independence on 10 October, the master “Indian Rope” trickster has come out with a message to the nation: “Our post-Independence history has been dissimilar to some other countries. We have had events which we could have done without. We have had politics which we could have done without. These situations led to regression as opposed to progression. It led to stagnation as opposed to modernization. Today, however, is not a day of condemnation or recrimination. Today is a day of celebration. I wish you all a happy Fiji Independence Day.”

The biggest thief in Fiji’s history will be flying the national flag on the country’s 40th independence anniversary, with other crooks and kana lotos singing his praise. We say, instead of saluting their thieving army chief, the soldiers should be hanging their heads in shame. For they are led by a crook and swindler who, after joining as a midshipman four years after Fiji’s independence in 1970 now, forty years later, has swindled the nation of $205,000 in bogus back pay.

In his 1971 New Year message, the late Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, as Prime Minister of independent Fiji, described 1970 as the “year of hope fulfilled”. The peaceful transition from colony to independence for him was “a pearl of great price which can perhaps be shared with the world at large.”

As we celebrate Fiji Independence Day, we must ask ourselves what price needs to be paid, in sweat, toil and even blood (for there is no easy walk to freedom), to return the country to democracy, to free ourselves from the economic fraudster and his supporters, who have made corruption and oppression their plaything – and giving themselves obscene salaries forty years after independence under various illegal decrees.

Fiji, The Way The World Should Not Be! Independence means FREEDOM.

In the course of my investigation in 2008 I had unearthed that the Public Service Commission had carried out an extensive audit exercise of the leave positions of all permanent public servants in all Government Ministries and Departments (including the Disciplinary Forces, Army, Navy and Police) between 1990 and 1991 following allegations of widespread abuse of the leave compensation provisions of the 1972 Leave Conditions (the standard leave conditions for the Public Service replacing generous expatriate leave conditions which continued to prevail after independence) by officers who deliberately refused to take their leave when due and instead accumulated them for the purpose of claiming compensation on them at a later date or when their next leave was due.

A case could easily be made by the Head of Department that an officer cannot be released to go on leave and a recommendation is made to PSC for that officer to be compensated for the entire leave due or an officer is recalled from leave after a few days/ weeks and recommendation is made to compensate the officer for the unspent balance of his leave.

As part of this exercise, all Permanent Secretaries and Heads of Departments were issued with a circular to carry out audits of all leave positions of all their permanent employees at all levels and then to submit a return to the PSC indicating the list of officers who have accumulated leave from previous tours of duty (a tour is 3 years when officer must take all leave earned plus any unused and carried over from previous two years) and the reasons why such leave were not taken or allowed to accumulate without prior approval of the PSC.

When all the Ministries and Departments submitted their returns to the PSC, it was noted that many officers had leave accumulated over a long period (2 to 3 tours) but the majority had used up all the leave (long service plus annual leave) due to them. The PSC vigorously vetted these returns. From the returns submitted by the Fiji Military Forces (which includes the Navy), Bainimarama was listed among those who had used up all their leave entitlements ( local and long service) when due. No accumulated leave was shown against his name. (PS: I will be revealing the documents in due course).

Another circular to all Permanent Secretaries/Heads of Departments was issued, directing them to ensure that all officers under their control and whose names appeared on the returns submitted to the PSC to still have accumulated leave to their credit must be released from their duties as soon as possible and to proceed on leave without any further delay. They were also directed that if after 6 months from the date of the issue of that circular any officer who still had not taken all their accumulated leave would be deemed to have forfeited that leave.

Thus after the expiry of that 6 months period when all the returns were received from Ministries and Departments, no single officer or public servant had any record of accumulated leave still showing to his or her credit.

Accordingly, from the file records held at PSC at that time, my investigation confirmed that Bainimarama had used up or utilized all leave he had earned and due to him (long service, annual and accumulated) between the period 1975 when he was recruited into the Navy and 1992 (17 years in all) after the leave audits  were carried out by RFMF and PSC.

Thus any claim from Bainimarama for any leave earned or accumulated between 1978 and 1992 whilst employed by the Fiji Military Forces would appear to be false and fraudulent.

Dakshina India Andhra Sangam of Fiji plans to build a Primary school in Nadi.

This has been revealed Dakshina India Andhra Sangam of Fiji National President, Justice Kamal Kumar at their Annual General Meeting during the Andhra Convention in Nadi today.

He says that at this stage Andhra Sangam is looking to buy property in Nadi and Suva, on which to build the school.

Justice Kumar adds that as Andhra Sangam has a school in Sigatoka, Lautoka, Ba, Tavua and Rakiraki and will now look to having a school in Nadi.

Justice Kumar has also commended the committee members for their hard work and continued commitment.

He says that through their commitment and hard work, there have been able to add a 3-classroom building at Lautoka Andhra Sangam College with the assistance from the Japanese Embassy.

The Japanese Embassy donated $176,000 to build the classrooms in Lautoka.

Justice Kumar adds that Andhra Sangam is now currently trying to build a 4-classroom building at Olosara Andhra College in Sigatoka.

He says that now, Andhra Sangam will continue to do what it is supposed to do, with their voluntary service and try to improve the facilities they have in their schools.

Dakshina India Andhra Sangam of Fiji currently has 2 Colleges and 5 primary schools across the Country. Source: Fijivillage News, 14 April 2017